The Scriptum.cz web archive provides access to various non-commercial and online Czech exile and samizdat periodicals. This is a unique collection of works that are often not accessible anywhere and are constantly being refilled.
A Németországi Evangélikus Egyház nyugati Gustav Adolf We...
A Németországi Evangélikus Egyház nyugati Gustav Adolf Werk Alapítványának adománylevele
According to documents in the Reformed Congregation of Cluj–Dâmbul Rotund's Collection, on 13 March 1971 the West German foundation Gustav-Adolf-Werk offered a donation of 50,000 deutschmarks as ecumenical help for church construction (KKREL 1971/7, Report no. 28). This turned out to be of major importance in the process of constructing the church building. The fact that the state could benefit from foreign currency on the construction site counted as a very strong argument and played a huge role in the history of the reluctantly issued building permit. Between 1971 and 1976 there existed mostly only correspondence between the foundation and the pastor of Dâmbul Rotund, János Dobri on the question of when they would take over this sum of money, with the parish having to answer that they had not yet obtained approval for it. In the communist regime, any donation in money or of a different nature coming from abroad could be accepted and taken over only with "religious affairs departmental" permission from Bucharest. Regulation no. 16455/1971 of the Department of Religious Affairs (Departamentul Cultelor), referring to Decree-Law No. 334/1971 paragraph 5 point “r”, stated that gifts and bequests given or accepted by clerical organisations could be made only with the approval of the Department of Religious Affairs. Furthermore, any inventory objects, with or without historical or artistic value, books, manuscripts, musical instruments, money, material, or producs, regardless of their value could only be donated or accepted with the prior approval of the Department of Religious Affairs (KKREL 1971/7, Rescript no. 1420). Eventually, in addition to approving the construction of the church building, the Department granted permission for the use of the donation. According to the knowledge of Reformed pastor András Dobri and cantor Anna Jankó, only the first half of the amount was transferred officially to the Romanian National Bank, while the other half was transmitted through other "gates." In those times foreign exchange was not permitted for Romanian citizens living in the country. Only foreigners could change foreign currency and thus deliver the donated money. As the exchange rate was very unfavourable, those concerned decided to change the foreign currency with the willing help of Polish tourists. The greater amount obtained this way could be used properly during the construction. Because of the large amount involved, almost all members of the presbytery, which was then made up of about twenty-eight members took a part of it, which they then offered as donations in their own names for the church construction. In fact, based on oral history interviews, the possibility is not to be excluded that the second part of the West German donation was transferred officially in a similar way to the first, while the church members were used to collect other foreign cash donations, as the Gustav-Adolf-Werk donation was not enough on its own to pay for the construction (statement of Anna Jankó; statement of András Dobri).
The Securitate materials on János Dobri also give information about the donation. Based on the documents contained in the informative file, on 5 March 1971 Reformed Bishop Gyula Nagy was informed in a letter from the West German donor – through Pastor-Secretary General Dieter Knall – that the sum of money destined for the church construction in Dâmbul Rotund had been prepared, and he was asked to accept the donation in the name of the Reformed Church District of Cluj. A positive response was preceded by the consent of the Department of Religious Affairs in Bucharest (ACNSAS, 211500/4, 147). Since August 1972 the counter-intelligence in Cluj led by Colonel Sándor Peres had dealt specially with the case. When the Securitate learned that a considerable sum had been allocated by the Gustav-Adolf-Werk foundation for church construction, Peres had stated that in order to receive the money, the Church officials would have to talk with the county religious affairs inspector, "studying the possible modes of coordination." This statement is significant especially in the light of a later declaration of the county religious affairs inspector Hoinărescu Țepeș Horia, according to which no Hungarian churches or chapels were to be built in Cluj as long as he held that position in the city. (ACNSAS, I211500/5, 152–153). The later actions involved in the church construction prove the success of the "coordination," bearing in mind the interests of the single-party state.
Some of the photographs taken by Lucian Ionică are snapshots of moments of high drama. Among them, those “hard to look at” images from the Paupers’ Cemetery, with the bodies of those killed by the repressive forces of the communist regime, hastily buried by the representatives of those forces, and then disinterred in order to be laid to rest in a fitting manner. There are also in the collection some photographs with portraits of children wounded during the Revolution of December 1989 in Timişoara. They were taken in the Timişoara Children’s Hospital on 24 December. The photographs show the wounded children in bed; the three snapshots include portraits of two boys and a girl. “For a few years after I took those photos I tried to trace the children I had photographed. I couldn’t find them, although I tried repeatedly. In the confusion and the strong emotions of the events back then, I didn’t have the inspiration to make a note of their names. Today I don’t know what has become of them, what they are doing,” says Lucian Ionică, confessing his regret at being unable to follow the story of those whose drama he immortalized in December 1989. “In the Timişoara Revolution, there were a lot of teenagers in the street. However the repressive forces had no compunction about firing at them. They were victims of the Army in the first place. Opening fire on minors is impossible to accept. Of course it is not justified against adults either, but the brutal actions of the soldiers against the children show how faithful those in the forces of repression were to Nicolae Ceauşescu,” is the comment of Gino Rado, the vice-president of the Memorial to the Revolution in Timişoara, summing up the tragic consequences of the involvement of forces loyal to the communist regime in the repression of the demonstrators, including minors (Szabo and Rado 2016). According to research carried out at the Memorial to the Revolution in Timişoara, as well as other official statistics documenting the scale of the repression in the city in December 1989, at least six children or adolescents under the age of 18 were killed in this symbolic city of the Romanian Revolution. The youngest hero-martyr was Cristina Lungu; when she was fatally shot in December 1989, she was only two years old.
Alexandru Șoltoianu - Colecție de la Arhiva Națională a R...
Alexandru Șoltoianu - Colecție de la Arhiva Națională a Republicii Moldova
This collection comprises various documents (including trial records) relating to the activities of Alexandru Șoltoianu, a well-known oppositional figure in the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR) in the late 1960s and 1970s. Closely linked to the Usatiuc–Ghimpu–Graur group, Șoltoianu pursued a parallel project of creating a mass nationally oriented anti-Soviet political party known as National Rebirth of Moldavia (Renașterea Națională a Moldovei), to be based upon a broad network of student associations. Șoltoianu’s case files are currently held in the National Archive of the Republic of Moldova (ANRM). These materials were transferred to the ANRM from the Archive of the Intelligence and Security Service of the Republic of Moldova (formerly the KGB Archive).
Decision of the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Mol...
Decision of the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR Concerning the Case of Gheorghe Zgherea. 9 June 1955 (in Russian)
Almost two years after his condemnation, in the spring of 1955, Zgherea filed a petition addressed to the General Prosecutor of the Moldavian SSR, requesting the revision of his sentence. In this petition, Zgherea again admitted his guilt, but emphasised that his conversion to Inochentism was mainly caused by the influence of his parents. He claimed that, due to his young age and to the unsatisfactory level of his education, he did not fully understand the implications of his actions at the time. He also declared that, during his detention in the labour camp, he “fully realised the mistaken nature of his views” and therefore was ready to “cut all his ties to the sect of the Inochentists.” This remarkable example of repentance and apparently successful “re-education” should not be taken at face value, especially given the fact that during the trial Zgherea refused to abjure and renounce his faith. However, in the post-Stalinist Soviet context, this proved an effective strategy for alleviating his plight and for receiving a reduction of the sentence and, ultimately, a full amnesty. In his review of Zgherea’s case, one of the employees of the MSSR’s Ministry of Internal Affairs, Major Rogachev, noted the defendant’s partial admission of guilt and his apparent repentance as alleviating circumstances. In the Resolution he sent to the General Prosecutor of the MSSR, A. Kazanir, on 28 April 1955, Rogachev concluded that, although Zgherea’s “guilt” was not in doubt, the punishment was “too severe and did not correspond to the seriousness of his actions.” Therefore, Rogachev recommended that the prosecutor’s office file a formal protest to the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the MSSR in order to request a revision of Zgherea’s case, which the prosecutor did in due course. As a result of this protest, after reviewing the case, on 9 June 1955 the Supreme Court issued a special decision which reduced Zgherea’s sentence to five years of hard labour and a further three-year suspension of civil rights. The main argument of the court was that Zgherea “did not have a leading position within the sect.” This motivation points to a shift in the authorities’ perception of the social danger of the Inochentists and similar religious movements and to a more differentiated approach to the individual guilt of their members. Moreover, Zgherea was amnestied according to the provisions of the Decree of 27 March 1953, which ended the main wave of Stalinist repressions and secured a legal basis for the gradual release of political prisoners. He was to be released from the labour camp as soon as possible, while his penal conviction was dropped. This case certainly did not illustrate an entirely new attitude of the regime toward religious dissent, which continued to be viewed with suspicion and repressed. However, there was a marked shift in the authorities’ repressive strategies, which became subtler and more differentiated. The case of Gheorghe Zgherea is thus a fascinating example of essential ideological continuity uneasily combined with changing methods of addressing and dealing with dissent and opposition in the religious sphere.
Zoltán Kallós’s Ethnographic Collection constitutes one of the most successful individual attempts at saving folk culture. This collection of material and spiritual items was carried out with the purpose of preserving not only the Hungarian cultural heritage, but also the ethnical diversity of the Transylvanian Plain (CâmpiaTransilvaniei in Romanian; Mezőség in Hungarian), as well as the collective identity of the Roman Catholic population of Moldavian Csángós. The collector successfully defied the political practice of the Romanian communist regime that aimed at socially and culturally homogenising Romania.
Items commemorating the youngest victim of the Revolution...
Items commemorating the youngest victim of the Revolution of 1989
Cristina Lungu was the youngest hero-martyr of the Revolution of December 1989 in Timişoara. When shed died, shot in the heart by one of the bullets fired from the roof of the Research Centre on Calea Girocului, Cristina Lungu was only two and a half years old. She died on Str. Ariş in Timişora, at the crossing with Calea Girocului, in her father’s arms with her mother beside her. Her destiny is symptomatic for the fate of most of the over 1,000 victims of the Romanian Revolution of 1989, who lost their lives not in a direct clash with the apparatus of repression, but because they happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time when a stray or ricocheting bullet cut short their lives.
The tragic moment is recounted as follows in one of the books published by the publishing house of the Memorial to the Revolution in Timişoara: “There was a moment of respite, around 10 pm, after intense shooting close by, on Calea Girocului. They came out at the crossing of Str. Negoi with Str. Arieş and Calea Girocului. At a certain moment, Cristina fell. Her father thought she had tripped, because there had been no particular noise. When he picked her up, Doru Lungu noticed that blood was flowing from her mouth. Then he ran with her to the County Emergency Hospital: “And it was only in the morning, about 4 am, that I found out, someone told me, that in fact she had been shot and had died on the spot. I wanted, because someone there had told me, to run quickly to the Morgue to take her, because otherwise I would never be able to get her.” Because he was afraid that her body would disappear for ever in the criminal action of erasing the traces of the repression of the popular revolt, her father was determined to take her from the Morgue, although it would have been almost impossible to bury her officially, because he had no documents. But he did not reach her, because he was given advice to take care and not to put himself in danger, because two people from the Securitate were at the Morgue, carrying out investigations into the deceased. It was only in the afternoon of Thursday 21 December that he managed to recover her body, his good fortune (if one can speak of good fortune in these circumstances) being that she had not been put in the batch that would arrive in Bucharest for incineration.” (Szabo 2014)
On the ground floor of the building of the Memorial to the Revolution in Timişora there is a thematic corner dedicated to this heroine-martyr. Her portrait, donated by her family to the institution in 2001, is covered by a pane of glass pierced in the middle by the impact of a bullet. The pane comes from a shop in the centre of Timişoara, in Opera Square, a place where there were violent exchanges of fire between 17 and 22 December 1989. In connection with the tragic case of this youngest victim of the December 1989 events in Timişoara, the portfolio of the Memorial also contains some testimonies by her parents and information that helps to place Cristina Lungu in both her historical and her family context.
Notacje filmowe Europejskiego Centrum Solidarności
Notacje filmowe Europejskiego Centrum Solidarności
Film Notations of European Solidarity Centre are biographical interviews, conducted with democratic opposition activists and creators of independent culture in socialist Poland. They are first-hand testimonies of people who organised illegal gatherings, demonstrations, art exhibitions, film screenings, literature circulation etc. Collection includes rare interviews that cannot be seen anywhere else.
Kustić's columns (about one-fifth of the total number) were released in the form of a book in 2009, covering his writings in Glas Koncila over nearly forty years from the 1960s to the beginning of this century. Kustić dealt with various topics in addition to religion and theology, and he often delved into socio-political themes. Kustić's writing and editing in Glas Koncila under constant surveillance by the Commission for Relations with Religious Communities of the Socialist Republic of Croatia.
For example, the communist authorities had banned Glas Koncila no. 21 of 22 October 1972, in which they singled out among other things Kustić's article under the headline “Seventeen Centuries of Sacred Defiance.” In this article, Kustić took the example of St. Pollio, who preferred death because he did not want to forsake Christianity before the Roman prefect Probus. Kustić pointed out in this context the following: "St. Pollio claimed in particular that there are just laws that Christians are obliged to obey, but that the same authority could issues decrees that are not righteous, laws that a believer cannot accept" (Kustić 1972: 1). The communist authorities suggested, although he did not write it literally, that with these allusions Kustić had, in fact, "invited citizens to disobey and disrespect of the Constitution and laws of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Socialist Republic of Croatia" (Mikić 2016: 445).
Marošević, Toni. Bilješke za radijsku emisiju Frigidna ut...
Fond Jaromíra a Dolores Šavrdových v Archivu města Ostravy
The Jaromír and Dolores Šavrda Collection consists mostly of materials documenting the life and work of Jaromír Šavrda (1933–1988), a Czech journalist, writer, political prisoner and significant representative of dissent in Ostrava. Parts of the collection are, for example, Jaromír Šavrda’s biographical documents, his literary work including poetry written in prison, samizdat editions of his works as well as works written by other authors, manuscripts and typescripts of books and magazines, materials documenting his activities in dissent and his correspondence.
Pamphlet of support for Croatian reformist and nationally-oriented political leaders. 1971. Archival document
Students also demonstrated their support for Croatian reformist and nationally-oriented political leaders by distributing handwritten pamphlets on different types of paper. This collection includes several examples of such pamphlets, and one mentions Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Mika Tripalo, both removed from their posts in December 1971. On the pamphlets themselves or in separate notes, the State Security Service recorded where and when the pamphlets were found. Together with other materials collected during Operation Tuškanac, these pamphlets were used in the prosecution of participants in the student movement.
The documents are available for research and copying.
Margita Múčková and her brother actively helped to spread the Gospel on the territory of Slovakia from 1970 onward. Múčková devoted herself to the transcription of samizdats and Christian literature and to their further dissemination. She co-organized secret meetings of young Christian couples and families, as well as spiritual exercises. The purpose of the activities of this secret church network was to raise children in a different spirit than that of the prevailing communist ideology. The collection contains, in particular, spiritual literature, photographs, and audio recordings of secret meetings.
Decizia specială (opredelenie) a Judecătoriei Supreme a R...
Decizia specială (opredelenie) a Judecătoriei Supreme a RSS Moldovenești privind cazul lui Viktor Koval. August 1982 (în rusă)
Following Viktor Koval’s trial, on 27 August 1982 the Penal Section of the Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR issued a special decision (opredelenie) regarding his case. In effect, this document represented a surrogate of the official sentence. Similarly to the usual pattern of such documents, the court emphasised the defendant’s “hostile attitude” towards Soviet power. In Koval’s case this deviant behaviour was purportedly due to his “false perception of Soviet reality,” which was induced by his “listening to the broadcasts of the anti-Soviet radio stations Voice of America, Radio Free Europe, Deutsche Welle, BBC etc.” The document further summarised the defendant’s main anti-regime activities, which he undertook during 1977–1982. These included his criticism of “Soviet democracy,” his refusal to take part in the elections to the Supreme Soviet, his condemnation of the lies and distortions propagated by the Soviet press, his critical attitude toward Soviet foreign policy, in general, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, in particular, and, most importantly, his open support for the Solidarity movement in Poland. The comparison between the Soviet political system and the political structure of Western countries was a constant theme in Koval’s conversations with his colleagues, which was allegedly proven by numerous witness accounts invoked in the document. Koval was also clearly aware that the Soviet state did not guarantee the basic civil rights of its citizens. This constituted another recurrent topic which emerged during the investigation. The authorities were particularly alarmed by Koval’s general critique of the Soviet system as a whole. The material evidence uncovered during searches of Koval’s apartment also contributed to the court’s ruling that the defendant had “committed a socially dangerous act” that fell under the provisions of article 203, part 1, of the Penal Code of the Moldavian SSR (“spreading calumnies and lies aimed at discrediting the Soviet state and social order”). However, based on the conclusions of the psychiatric assessment, the court found that Koval exhibited signs of a mental illness and personality disorder. It therefore declared him mentally unfit and thus exempt from criminal responsibility. He was thus sent to a special psychiatric facility in Dnepropetrovsk (Ukraine) for “forced medical treatment.” Most of Koval’s papers and documents confiscated by the KGB were temporarily kept as a part of his file, while the rest were returned to his wife. This case is one of the most blatant examples of the application of punitive psychology in the MSSR during the late Soviet period. Koval’s political opposition to the regime, although it never transcended the individual level, was perceived as serious enough to warrant harsh repressive measures camouflaged under the “humane” rhetoric of a medical case.
The video periodical Black Box was the first independent film production studio during the last years of communist rule in Hungary. It reported on demonstrations and civilian initiatives that the official media passed over in silence or reported on with disinformation. With its film reports, and portraits distributed in samizdat channels, at the beginning Black Box managed to create the largest film collection documenting the events of the transitional period and the change of political system both in Hungary and in other communist countries.
The second issue of the magazine Viks, entitled “Homosexuality and Culture,” came out on April 24,1984, the opening day of the Magnus Film Festival, the first cultural manifestation dedicated to homosexuality in any socialist country. The magazine was edited by a group of gays and lesbians who gathered around the youth cultural center ŠKUC and organized the festival. This special edition of the magazine was printed in 600 copies and handed to audiences at the festival. It contains 42 pages, and approximately 20 illustrations with contemporary, easily recognizable European gay subcultural motifs. Over the three following decades, this issue of Viks gained a cult status in Slovenian and the post-Yugoslav LGBT community, and was exhibited at events dedicated to the history of homosexuality and the LGBT movement.
Alongside the festival’s program and a schedule of affiliated cultural and club events, in an effort to appeal to the younger generation of Ljubljana’s gays, lesbians and artists, Viks also carried several lengthy programmatic articles and interviews with emancipatory, educational and mobilizing overtones. Thus it aligned itself politically and theoretically with contemporary liberationist, leftist and counter-cultural movements in Slovenia and Western Europe. These texts promote an ideal of freely and openly lived (homo)sexuality. Non-normative sexual practices were viewed as strongly dissident in nature, but not so much against socialism as against patriarchal and traditional forms of sexual and family life.
The article “Pink Love under the Red Stars – Homosexuality under Real Socialism” (“Roza ljubezen pod rdečimi zvezdami – homoseksualizem pod realnim socializmom,” pp. 18-21) delivers a historical overview of the legal and social status of same-sex sexual and emotional relationships in socialist countries. The anonymous author is equally critical of the 20th century discrimination of homosexuality both in western liberal democracies and socialist countries. However, the Stalinist period in the USSR was seen as especially brutal and arduous insofar as it attributed negative political meanings to homosexuality, declaring homosexuals “traitors,” foreign “spies,” decadent bourgeoisie, and enemies of socialism. Soviet homosexuals, the article suggests, were not able to recover from this traumatic period, and were still unable to engage with emancipatory social movements and practices. At the same time, the example of the German Democratic Republic (GDR, known also as East Germany) is held as an example of both positive changes in communist stance on homosexuality, and a way in which, since the late 1970s, a dialogue could take place between the government and gay and lesbian groups.
Vjesnik Newspaper Documentation is an archival collection created in the Vjesnik newspaper publishing enterprise from 1964 to 2006. It includes about twelve million press clippings, organized into six thousand topics and sixty thousand dossiers on public persons. Inter alia, it documents various forms of cultural opposition in the former Yugoslavia, but also in other communist countries in Europe and worldwide.
The Hungarian Soros Foundation (HSF), founded in May 1984, was George Soros's first pilot enterprise in the one-time communist bloc, years before he opened his similar Beijing, Moscow, and Warsaw offices in the late 1980s or establish his foundation network in the early 1990s throughout Central and Eastern Europe. During its 23 years of public operation, the HSF spent more than 150 million dollars by providing grants, stipends and other means of support for artists, writers, scholars, and students, and it ran several new cultural and educational, social, and health projects and remained the main supporter of NGOs and civil society in Hungary. By breaking many taboos before and after 1990 with its challenging new policies, especially in the cultural field, the HSF was strongly opposed by both the communist and nationalist protagonists of state-controlled culture. Its grantees and supporters saw its main mission as the preservation and nurturing of the spirit and values of ongoing cultural resistance.
Állambiztonsági fotók egy titkos vallási csoport táborozá...
Állambiztonsági fotók egy titkos vallási csoport táborozásáról
The folder with “The campers” as its cover name is kept in the Historical Archives of the Hungarian State Security forces (Állambiztonsági Szolgálatok Történeti Levéltára – ÁBTL). It includes reports on and photographs of the religious group named Christian Community. The camping trips taken by members of the group in 1983 and in 1984 were the focus of the state efforts to keep the group under observation. The photo collection is the result of secrtet observation work and the method of taking photos from a hiding place. Moreover, this is a vestige of the information-collecting practices of the political police which seems, now, a little grotesque. The documentation of the meeting, which was labeled illegal, was followed by intervention by the police.
Vaclovas Aliulis (1921-2015) yra lietuvių katalikų kunigas. Sovietiniais laikais jis aktyviai dalyvavo pogrindinėje katechizacijoje, pogrindinės Katalikų akademijos dėstytojas. Aliulis yra knygų ir straipsnių autorius, Sąjūdžio laikotarpiu jis organizavo katalikišką spaudą. 2003 m. jis pradėjo bendradarbiauti su Lietuvos valstybės centriniu archyvu, perduodamas bylas ir medžiagą iš savo asmeninio archyvo. Kolekcijos dokumentai atspindi katalikų bažnyčios ir tikinčiųjų situaciją sovietinėje Lietuvoje.
Straipsnis "Rūpintojėlio" žurnale apie literatūros raidą ...
Straipsnis "Rūpintojėlio" žurnale apie literatūros raidą Sovietų Lietuvoje
Straipsnis „Religinė atributika Justino Marcinkevičiaus knygoje „Gyvenimo švelnus prisiglaudimas“ analizuoja lietuvių rašytojų darbų naujas tendencijas. Jame tvirtinama, kad autorių kūryboje galima aptikti pasirodančius religinius ir sakralinius momentus, ypač aptariamame poeto Justino Marcinkevičiaus darbuose. Pasak straipsnio, tokia kūryba kontrastuoja su sovietine ideologija.
Papa Ivan Pavao II. Pismo povodom 50-e obljetnice svećeni...
Papa Ivan Pavao II. Pismo povodom 50-e obljetnice svećeništva Frane Franića, 1986. Rukopis pisma.
Pope John Paul II sent a letter to Split Archbishop Franić on the 50th anniversary of his ordination as a priest. It is clear that he was quite familiar with Franić's resistance to the atheistic regime and his defence of the Church's rights under the socialist dictatorship. The pope pointed this out in this letter when said that "you have certainly proven your faithfulness and loyalty to this Holy See." According to the pope, Franić's resistance to the communist regime was fruitful in the sense that the Church in Split in the 1980s recorded numerous clerical and religious vocations despite attempts at the de-Christianization of society.
The Doina Cornea Private Collection is an invaluable historical source for those researching the biography and especially the dissident activities of the person labelled by the Western mass media as the “emblematic figure” of the Romanian resistance to Ceauşescu’s dictatorship. This collection comprises manuscripts of her open letters of protest, her diary, samizdat translations, correspondence, drafts of her academic works, photos, paintings, video recordings, and her personal library. This private collection is by far one of the most significant and valuable collections reflecting the cultural opposition to the Romanian communist regime.
Nors nebuvo filosofų pogrindžio sovietinės Lietuvos organizacijos, Lietuvos dėstytojai ir filosofijos mokslininkai taikėsi prie sovietinės ideologijos ir naudojo legalias formas tam, kad pasiektų kultūrinės opozicijos veiklos tikslų. Lietuvos filosofai suvaidino reikšmingą vaidmenį Sąjūdžio laikotarpiu. Vienas svarbiausių Lietuvos filosofų veikėjų buvo Romualdas Ozolas. Sovietmečiu jis užėmė atsakingas pareigas, kaip LTSR Ministrų tarybos pirmininko pavaduotojo patarėjo, tačiau tuo pačiu metu jis buvo įsitraukęs į įvairias kultūrines iniciatyvas, kurios ėjo toli už tuometinės ideologijos ribų. Būdamas skrupulingas kolekcionierius, Ozolas paliko labai turtingą archyvą, kuris vis dar laukia tyrėjų dėmesio.
Actul oficial de acuzare privind cazul lui Gheorghe Zgher...
Although the Chválospevy I [Hymns I] collection of hymns for choirs of the Unity of the Brethren Baptists was released in 1989, congregations in Slovakia used the music circulated in hand-copied and photocopied version, as the title page of the collection states on p. 5: “The hymns are collected in various ways and the choirs then lend them to each other and exchange them, they translate, transcribe and reproduce them, or only copy them.” (p. 5) The anthology was published officially. Its preparation took several years, and it represented a compromise between what the Baptist choirs used in practice and what the scope of the possibilities of the Ecclesiastical Publishing House in Bratislava was.
Biserica Greco-Catolică Română - Colecţie Ad-hoc la CNSAS
Sbírka české exilové monografie a časopisy v Libri prohibiti
The Libri Prohibiti’s collection of Czech exile monographs and periodicals contains over 8100 publications including the complete works of many publishers. More than 940 titles of Czechoslovak exile periodicals, some of them complete editions, are part of this collection as well.
Rezső Szabó is a Hungarian lawyer and politician from Slovakia. His personal collection contains documents dealing with policies toward the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia including issues of culture and education in the languages of the minority. These documents are mostly from the time when Szabó was Secretary of the Hungarian Cultural Union CSEMADOK (1954-1969) and the time when he sat in the Czechoslovak Federal Assembly (1969-1971). The collection contains documents related to Szabó’s activities in 1968, when he was one of the activists who outlined requirements about reforms concerning the rights of minorities in Czechoslovakia. These documents are mainly bill drafts and laws concerning the problems of the Hungarian minority. The collection also contains a recording of a long interview with Szabó made in 2004.
Elzas Rudenājas un Vladislava Urtāna kolekcija - vietējā ...
Elzas Rudenājas un Vladislava Urtāna kolekcija - vietējā kultūras mantojuma saglabāšana
The Elza Rudenāja and Vladislavs Urtāns collection at the Madona Museum of Local History and Arts shows how much devoted and resourceful people could contribute to the preservation of the local and national culture by working within the system, even in an inhospitable political environment.
Revolution of 1989 in Timișoara - Private Photograph Collection
The Lucian Ionică private collection is one of the few collections of snapshots taken during the tensest and most feverish days of the Romanian Revolution of December 1989 in the city of Timişoara, the place where the popular revolt against the communist dictatorship first broke out. The photographic documents in this collection preserve the memory both of the dramatic moments before the change of regime and of the days immediately after the fall of Nicolae Ceauşescu, when sudden freedom of expression produced moments no less significant for the recent history of Romania.
Limes was a circle of Hungarian dissident intellectuals which operated more or less actively from 1985 until the 1989 Romanian revolution. The aim of the circle was to provide a pluralist platform of cooperation for Hungarian intellectuals, which meant holding monthly/bimonthly organized meetings and publishing a journal dealing with the history and actual situation of the Hungarian minority from Romania, as well as other outstanding research work pertaining to other domains. The circle was also devoted to maintaining high standards of scientific work in Romania. As there was no chance of getting anything past the censors in Romania, the plan was to smuggle manuscripts to Hungary and to publish the journal there.
The initiator was Gusztáv Molnár, who mostly due to his job as a literary editor at the Bucharest-based Kriterion publishing house had a large personal network among Transylvanian Hungarian critical intellectuals. The core of the group was represented by the following individuals: Vilmos Ágoston, Béla Bíró, Gáspár Bíró, Ernő Fábián, Károly Vekov, Levente Salat, Csaba Lőrincz, Ferenc Visky, András Visky, Péter Visky, Levente Horváth, Sándor Balázs, Sándor Szilágyi N., and Éva Cs. Gyímesi. Through the process of editing the journal, many more intellectuals became acquainted with the activity of the Limes group.
Between September 1985 and November 1986, six meetings were held in four different localities in Romania in the homes of members of the group. The meetings encompassed a presentation (usually of a manuscript) followed by a debate, and all proceedings were recorded. The series of meetings was interrupted by a search and seizure performed by the Securitate in Molnár’s apartment in Bucharest. All documents related to Limes were taken and later studied by the authorities. By this time, the plan to make four Limes issues had already been completed, and the manuscripts for the first two issues had already been collected. The contents included transcripts of the Limes debates and studies and documents covering topics such as “national minorities,” “nationalism,” “totalitarianism,” “autonomy,” and “Transylvanianism” as a guiding ideology for the Hungarian minority in Romania. The topics also included the situation of the Csángó Catholic (Hungarian-speaking) population in Romania.
The Limes group ceased its activity after the intervention of the Romanian secret police, and in 1987, summons and warnings were issued to the members of the group. Though no more meetings were organized, after a while, Limes members resumed work on the texts. Molnár moved to Hungary in 1988, but the editorial work was continued in Romania by Éva Cs. Gyímesi Éva and Péter Cseke in Cluj. The first issues of Limes was published by Molnár in Budapest in late 1989. The content does not coincide with the initial first volume of the Limes, but the issues did contain excerpts from the debates which were held at the first two meetings.
Invaluable insights into the details of the Limes story and other events in the lives of outstanding Hungarian intellectuals are provided by the Securitate files on professor of philosophy at the Babes Bolyai University Sándor Balázs (1928–), which are available for research in the Historical Collection of the Jakabffy Elemér Foundation. This is because the Limes activities in Cluj were recorded by the county agency of the Securitate as part of the information surveillance files on Sándor Balázs. His code name was “the Sociologist” (Sociologul), but the table of contents at the beginning of the dossier refers to “the Sociologists” (Sociologii), the code name used to denote the Limes group.
The dossier was opened at the beginning of 1987, and the version handed over by the CNSAS for research has three volumes which consist of some 800 folios. The files represent various types of documents: 1. strategic plans, analyses, and annexes to these plans; 2. characterizations and personal networks; 3. Syntheses, reports, and notes; 4. Information and materials obtained from surveillance; 5. Results of the monitoring activity; 6. Minutes. As noted already, the dossier contains copies of documents considered important originating from the surveillance files of other people involved in the Limes group: Éva Cs. Gyímesi (code name Elena), Péter Cseke, Gusztáv Molnár (Editorul), Lajos Kántor Lajos (Kardos), Ernő Gáll (Goga), Sándor Tóth (Toma), and Edgár Balogh (Bartha).
The “Sixtiers Museum” Collection is located in a small museum in Kyiv, Ukraine in a building belonging to the Ukrainian political party Rukh. Nadia Svitlychna and Mykola Plakhotniuk founded this museum as way of honouring and documenting the struggles of a cohort of Soviet Ukrainian dissidents during the 1960s-1980s. Included in the permanent exhibition are paintings, graphics, sculptures, embroidery and other artworks produced by artists affiliated with the sixtiers movement. The museum also displays the poems, letters and literary works of the writers in their midst, as well as their typewriters, handcrafted items made while in the GULag, or clothes worn while living in exile, like Svitlychna’s own camp uniform. Also figuring prominently are posters for events and exhibitions organized by this group. The guided tour is a moving, concise rendition of their struggle, aimed at the museum’s target audiences, young students, scholars, and the general public.
These materials depict the lives of a dynamic group of Soviet Ukrainians engaged in a principled creative and ideological struggle with the Soviet regime in the 1960s and 1970s. They were poets, artists, graphic designers, historians, doctors, and even a Soviet army official, all of whom became deeply involved in human rights activism under late socialism. Many were members of large Soviet institutions—like the Ukrainian writers and artist unions, the Literary Institute in Kyiv, the Soviet armed forces. The Soviet government’s ideological retrenchment after Khrushchev transformed these dissidents, who had worked hard to try and reform the system and make it more humane, into individuals in open conflict with the authorities.
Gediminas Ilgūnas žymus lietuvių žurnalistas, rašytojas, kraštotyrininkas ir keliautojas. Penkiasdešimtaisiais už anti-sovietinę veiklą bei ryšius su partizanais suimtas ir kalintas. Paleistas iš kalinimo vietų organizavo etnografines ekspedicijas, kurių metu rinko medžiagą apie reikšmingas tautos istorijai asmenybes. Kolekcijoje saugomi dokumentai susiję su Ilgūno veikla Sąjūdyje ir Aukščiausioje Taryboje; trumpi prisiminimai apie stalinistinį laikotarpį; medžiaga skirta Vinco Pietario biografijai. Kolekcija supažindina su sovietinio laikotarpio kultūros aktyvisto ambicijomis rinkti ir išsaugoti Lietuvos istorinį ir kultūrinį paveldą.
The Libri Prohibiti’s collection of foreign samizdat monographs and periodicals contains mainly Slovak and Polish samizdat literature. Russian samizdat and periodicals from the former German Democratic Republic are marginally represented.
Az államszocialista korszak rejtett, alig ismert históriáihoz tartozik a hazai LMBTQI közösség története is. Az első magyar meleg civilszervezet, a Homérosz Egyesület dokumentumai az önszerveződés és közösségi identitás gyakorlataira nyújtanak egyedülálló betekintést.
The Collection of Croatian-American historian Jere Jareb (PhD) contains over 4,500 books, magazines and various brochures in Croatian, English, German, Italian and Slovenian. Dr Jareb, who began compiling the collection in the 1950s, donated it to the Croatian Institute of History in 1997. A particularly intriguing part of the collection are the numerous editions of books, magazines and brochures published by Croatian emigrants in the USA who were critical of the communist regime in Croatia and Yugoslavia. Some of these editions are not available anywhere else in Croatia.
The collection consists of documents pertaining to Hristo Damyanov Ognyanov, a leading figure of the Bulgarian democratic opposition in exile. The collection is located at the Central State Archive in Sofia. Hristo Ognyanov (born 1911, died 1997) was a writer and journalist. He was part of different Bulgarian exile communities, in Austria, the USA, and West Germany. He worked for Bulgarian émigré publications and contributed to The Voice of America and Radio Free Europe. In Germany, Ognyanov (often published under Christo Ognjanoff) became a member of EXIL-PEN. He was co-founder of the Petar Beron Bulgarian Academic Society (BAS “Petar Beron”), which sought to unite Bulgarian exile intellectuals. This collection is an important source of information about the Bulgarian cultural opposition in exile, their international connections and network, and their contacts with opposition groups in Bulgaria.
Publikáció: A demokratikus szervezetek támogatása. In: A ...
László Cs. Szabó had many friends among Hungarian writers and poets before and after his emigration (1949). He had great appreciation of Gyula Illyés, one of the most important writers of Hungarian literature of the twentieth century. In 1967, Illyés dedicated his famous book’s English translation, the People of the Puszta, to Cs. Szabó (the book was published in Hungarian in 1936). This book is one of the most important works of Illyés, an exact sociography and also an autobiography. In this work, Illyés memorialized the peasants of the Mezőföld region, which was his social layer. In the sociography, he could simultaneously present the misery and humanity of the poor.
How a droplet traveled is a children's fairy tale about drops that create a sea. Drops symbolize the role of Christians in the world. The message of Christian religion was incompatible with the ideology of atheism. The book was rewritten on the typewriter and distributed among children and youth.
Kolekcija sudaryta iš įvairių KGB departamentų dokumentų, rastų KGB kambariuose ir biuruose 1991 metais. Ši medžiaga suteikia geros informacijos apie paskutines KGB gyvavimo dienas: kokio tipo bylos buvo ant stalų, lentynų ir KGB vadovybės spintelių.
Securitate. Plan of Action against Goma and his supporter...
Securitate. Plan of Action against Goma and his supporters at RFE and in the Romanian emigration, 17 March 1977
The Goma Movement Ad-hoc Collection includes numerous plans of action against the individuals involved in supporting the open letter of protest against the violation of human rights in Romania which was to be addressed to the CSCE Follow-Up Conference in Belgrade. Each Securitate informative surveillance file contains periodically updated plans of action, but these usually required only the approval of the high-ranking Securitate officer in charge of the case of the person in question. What is remarkable about this plan of action, which is part of Goma’s personal file, is its endorsement by the highest possible office holders in the Ministry of the Interior, to which the Direction of State Security was directly subordinated in 1977: the plan was countersigned by Nicolae Pleșiță, first deputy minister, and finally approved by Teodor Coman, the minister of the interior himself. Obviously, the hierarchical level of those who endorsed this plan indicates the great importance attached to this case. It is worth noting that the “successful” handling of the Goma Movement, in which Pleșiță involved himself and acted as Goma’s head interrogator, led to his promotion to the rank of lieutenant general in 1977. The same year, he coordinated the repressive measures taken by the regime in the aftermath of the Jiu Valley miners’ strike of August. Pleșiță remains notorious, however, for his actions while head of the Centre for Foreign Intelligence between 1980 and 1984, in particular for the 1982 failed attempt at suppressing Goma while in exile in Paris, and for the 1981 bomb attack on the RFE headquarters in Munich, for which the Securitate seems to have hired the infamous terrorist known as Carlos the Jackal. After 1989, Pleșiță showed no remorse for his misdeeds, and all attempts to hold him legally responsible for these wrongdoings eventually failed.
To return to this particular Securitate plan, its content and date of issuance illustrate that it was just an intermediate stage in the devising of actions meant to disintegrate the emerging movement. Chronologically, the date of issuance, 17 March 1977, is over a month after the open letter of protest against the violation of human rights was made public by Radio Free Europe, and thus it is entitled “plan of action for continuing the actions for annihilating and neutralising the hostile activities which Paul Goma initiated, being instigated and supported by Radio Free Europe and other reactionary centres in the West.” At the same time, it is a plan one step short of Goma’s arrest, which occurred two weeks later, on 1 April 1977. The document includes four separate types of action. The first type consists of the so-called “actions of discouragement, disorientation and intimidation,” which were directed mainly against Goma, but the necessity of tackling his supports separately is also mentioned. This type of action consists mostly of various forms of harassment up to the level of deporting him outside Bucharest in order to seclude him from his channels of communication across the border. These actions of rather soft repression were to be accompanied by attempts bring this problematic episode for the Securitate to a faster and neater end by convincing Goma to either give up or emigrate. The second category of actions included the use of the foreign press and publications in the attempt to compromise Goma and implicitly the movement for human rights initiated by him among the Romanian emigration and the Western audience. The third category referred to actions of counterbalancing the denigrating messages broadcast by Radio Free Europe, which was the radio agency that helped Goma the most. Finally, the fourth category consisted of actions to compromise Goma among the personnel of Western embassies in Bucharest, with the aim of depriving him of his channels of communication with RFE or other members of the exile community (ACNSAS, Informative Fonds, File I 2217/6, f. 109-112). All these measures failed, and thus Goma was eventually arrested and brutally interrogated, including by First Deputy Minister Pleșită himself, but liberated approximately a month later, on 6 May 1977, due to the massive protests of the Romanian emigration in Paris, which managed to convince many outstanding personalities to sign a petition for his release. This plan of action testifies to the Securitate practice of spreading calumnious rumours about all those who spoke against the regime in order to defame and isolate them. As Goma himself observes, “a document of great importance for me. (…) I knew that (…) the [calumnious] rumours and gossip (…) were inspired by the Securitate. Now I have the proof that the Securitate was not only inspiring, but also authoring them” (Goma 2005, 397).
The Sanda Stolojan Collection is an important source of documentation for understanding and writing the history of that particular segment of the Romanian exile community which was actively involved in the West in unmasking the communist regime in Romania. At the same time, this private archive contributes to an understanding of Romanian–French bilateral relations between 1968 and 1998. In particular, the collection illustrates the activity of the collector and other personalities of the exile aimed at promoting respect for human rights in Romania and stopping the demolitions imposed by the communist authorities as part of Bucharest's systematisation programme, and later at supporting the reconstruction of democracy in their country of origin.
Sbírka cizí exilové monografie a časopisy v Libri prohibiti
Pogrindyje publikuota spauda buvo gerai organizuota ir konceptualiai pagrįsta savilaidos forma. Kolekciją sudaro du pogrindžio leidiniai, tai Lietuvos katalikų bažnyčios kronika ir Rūpintojėlis. Kronika kaip pogrindžio leidinys išliko ilgiausiai, savo publikacijose pateikdama sovietų skleidžiamoms žinioms alternatyvią informaciją. Jei Kronika buvo inicijuota katalikų kunigų, tai Rūpintojėlis buvo labiau tikinčiųjų iniciatyva, kuris tapo pripažintu leidiniu dėl aukšto kultūros ir intelektualinio lygio.
Kolekciją sudaryta iškeltos šaltinių: Lietuvos ypatingajame archyve yra saugomos iš KGB paveldėti leidiniai, taip suskaitmeninti Kronikos leidiniai, patalpinti internetiniame puslapyje http://www.lkbkronika.lt.
Grupări ale Disidenței Religioase – Colecție Ad-hoc la CNSAS
The collection of the Church of the Brethren contains samizdat spiritual and religious literature, samizdat hymnals, and illegal recordings of religious music and gospel music. These include Bible editions published abroad, recordings of the Mission Youth Choir, the Kvapôčky [Droplets] Choir, bibliographical and historiographical studies, and an extensive musicological work by Juraj Potúček on the works of sisters Mária Royová and Kristína Royová.
Totok, William. Projekt für eine intellektuelle Extermina...
Totok, William. Projekt für eine intellektuelle Extermination (Un proiect pentru o exterminare intelectuală), în germană, 1976-1977. Manuscris
In the period from 1975 to 1976, William Totok spent more than eight months in arrest at the Securitate for his involvement in the Aktionsgruppe Banat literary group, considered subversive by the authorities,and for his criticism of Ceaușescu’s political regime. Totok was released in June 1976 after the publication in the newspapers Frankfurter Rundschau and Le Monde of articles presenting the abuses of the communist authorities in his case. After his release, Totok drew up a manuscript of memoirs entitled Projekt für eine intellektuelle Extermination (A project for an intellectual extermination), in which he recounted his experience as political prisoner. In May 1982, the Securitate carried out a search at his domicile and at that of one of his friends, the Romanian-German writer Horst Samson. On this occasion several documents were confiscated, including one copy of the manuscript of these memoirs (ACNSAS, I 210 845, vol. 2, 265–66; Totok 2001, 107–108).
In this manuscript, Totok recounts in detail the conditions in the political prison in Timișoara, the interrogations carried out by the Securitate, and the story of a letter drawn up between the two periods of arrest (Totok was released for a short period in October 1975, only to be arrested again in November 1975). In this letter, sent by his mother to the Federal Republic of Germany after his second arrest, Totok related the dramatic events of the abusive arrest of his colleagues and himself in October 1975 and all the harassments of the secret police. Fortunately, the copy of the manuscript of this memoirs that was confiscated by the Securitate was not the only one. Totok managed to hide a copy and to smuggle it out of the country to the Federal Republic of Germany after his emigration in March 1987. In 1988, Totok published a revised and extended version of this manuscript under the title: Die Zwänge der Erinnerung: Aufzeichnungen aus Rumänien (The constraint of memory: Recollections from Romania).
Smoloskyp collection (Museum-Archive and Documentation Centre of Ukrainian Samvydav in Kyiv)
The collection was created in the Ukrainian diaspora by the Smoloskyp Publishing House. Deeply involved in political and cultural opposition in Soviet and post-Soviet Ukraine, Smoloskyp built a communication channel between Ukraine and the international community, making the Ukrainian oppositional movement internationally known. In 1998, the collection was institutionalized as the Museum-Archive and Documentation Centre of Ukrainian Samvydav in Kyiv. It holds the most extensive collection of Ukrainian samizdat; Ukrainian diaspora periodicals; the collection of Ukrainian tamizdat (samizdat materials published abroad in Ukrainian, Russian, English, French, German and other languages); hundreds of photos of Soviet-era political prisoners and dissidents; the archives of several committees for human rights in Ukraine from the US, Canada, Australia, Argentina, and other countries.
Kolekcja Fotograficzna Europejskiego Centrum Solidarności
Photographic collection of European Solidarity Centre documents the most important political events from the 1970s and 1980s in Northern Poland. They are a testimonial of suppression, fight and victory, but they also tell little histories: of alternative lifestyles and artistic sensibility. The still-growing archive resources contain over 63.000 items.
Rendić, Smiljana. Izlazak iz genitiva ili drugi hrvatski ...
Rendić, Smiljana. Izlazak iz genitiva ili drugi hrvatski preporod, 1971. Rukopis članka.
This manuscript was created at the time of the Croatian Spring, and was published in the journal Kritika in its June issue in 1971. Rendić discussed the Croatian national question under Yugoslavian socialism, with particular emphasis on the status of Croatian language and Croatian statehood within a common state. In this respect, Rendić negatively assessed the developmental logic of Yugoslav socialism, which according to her view was based on the negation of the Croatian national identity and language. The main reason for Rendić's thesis was that the “radical colonization of the Croatian language” was carried out in socialist Yugoslavia by the introduction of numerous words from the Serbian language. Precisely because of that, the “Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Language” arose to resist such efforts in 1967. According to Rendić, apart from linguistic policy, the unequal status of Croatia in the Yugoslav federation was reflected politically in the fact that all republic institutions were written in the genitive case, "Croatia has been wholly reduced to a certain administrative-territorial term, so that it could only be expressed as: Republic of Croatia, Parliament of Croatia, Executive Council of the Parliament of Croatia…"(Rendić 1971: 14). This prompted the Supreme Court to rule against her, after which she was forced to retire.
Az 1985-ös budapesti Kulturális Fórum és Ellen-Fórum iratai, 1985.
The documents of the Cultural Forum and Counter-Forum of Budapest in late 1985 reflected on the major changes which had just begun at the time in East-West relations, politics, and diplomacy, together with the challenging concept of cultural freedom as a basic part of human rights. For the official Forum, some 850 participants were accredited to Budapest, thus the city was home for six weeks to a legion of diplomats and experts. However, instead of the protocol-like program of the official Forum, the real novelty which caught the attention of the world, the samizdat press, the Western public, and dissidents from the East (not to mention the Hungarian secret police, who were busier than ever) was an open dispute among writers and intellectuals from both East and West that was held at a poet’s flat and then at a film director’s apartment, and which lasted three days. The rich and versatile sub-collection contains many exciting documents which are of potential interest both to Hungarian and international visitors.
Kolekciją sudaro du Lietuvos gyventojų genocido ir rezistencijos tyrimų centro internetiniai puslapiai: www.kgbdocuments.eu ir www.kgbveikla.lt . Abiejuose publikuojami KGB dokumentai. Internetinis portalas www.kgbdocuments.eu yra skirtas labiau tarptautinei auditorijai ir yra dalis Baltijos šalių projekto. Internetinis portalas kgbveikla.lt yra labiau pritaikytas Lietuvos vartotojui. Kolekcija liudija apie valdžios institucijų pastangas informuoti visuomenę ir tarptautinę auditoriją apie sovietinio režimo vykdytas represijas ir įtakoti sovietinės praeities vertinimą.
The digital collection of the Oral History Center contains more than 2000 interviews with twentieth-century witnesses, which are divided into different themes and topics, thus presenting a unique collection of professionally created interviews and memories, many of which are related to the theme of cultural opposition.
Pop-Săileanu, Aristina, interviu de Liana Petrescu, 1994....
Pop-Săileanu, Aristina, interviu de Liana Petrescu, 1994. Transcript, Memorialul Sighet - Colecția de Istorie Orală
Among the first few hundred recordings in the oral history archive of the Sighet Memorial, Aristina Săileanu-Pop’s testimony stands out due to the fact that it tells of the personal experience of one of the most striking representatives of the organised resistance in the mountains of Maramures after the seizure of power by the communist regime. The recording of this testimony is number 254 in the archive. The audio document comprises some three hours of recording and is in digital format. The archived interview was taken by Liana Petrescu, and is accompanied by a file entry on the interviewee which summarises the content and provides Aristina Săileanu-Pop’s biographical details. An edited transcript of the recording was reproduced in the volume Să trăiască partizanii până vin americanii! Povestiri din munţi, din închisoare şi din libertate (Long live the partisans till the Americans come! Recollections from the mountains, from prison, and from freedom) published by the Civic Academy Foundation publishing house in 2008. The interview includes accounts not only of the personal experiences of Aristina Săileanu-Pop, but also of similar experiences of other members of her family and other partisans involved in the resistance movement in the mountains of Maramureş. These either did not survive the prison experience that followed their capture by the Securitate troops or they were older and passed away before the fall of communism, without having the possibility of narrating the traumatic experiences they had been forced to undergo. Aristina Săileanu-Pop considers that it is her duty to preserve their memory too.
As regards the significance of her own confrontational experience, Aristina Săileanu-Pop believes that her personal victory over the communist experiment in the history of Romania was due to her refusal to give up Christian moral principles: “It was a victory for all those who kept normality. I consider myself one of them. A peasant, I was and I remain a normal person; neither I nor my relatives had any inferiority complexes. My father was often in the company of important people of the time, although he was a forester. When Constantin Brătianu handed over the land, forests and all, to the people of Lăpuş, my father invited him to dinner and then they danced the Unification Hora together. We didn’t suffer any inferiority complexes. We always thought it was to the benefit of the country for there to be as many intellectuals as possible. From our village a host of boys and girls left for high school, because the peasant wanted his child to get book learning. Now, this “class” hatred was something incomprehensible; it exploited all the worst in people. It destroyed so many destinies; it left behind it suffering and death; it wanted to separate people from God. To take away their faith, hope, and love. The experiment you speak of ended with an ocean of injustices. I am just a drop in that ocean.”
In the preface to the volume mentioned above, Romulus Rusan responds to this story that is so moving in its simplicity, and offers a very beautiful portrait of a strong character, worthy to be taken as a life’s model: “Aristina Pop passes through the most terrible sufferings, but always finds a protective hand to defend her. She is the person who knows how to make herself loved because she is incapable of hate. She disarms the investigators by her ingenuousness, the women guards by the fact that she could be their child, the doctors by the altruism of her youth. […] She does not lose her faith, refuses resignation, continues to hope. After she comes out of prison, when the Securitate try to use her, she tells them they would do better to send her back behind bars. She gets married ‘at first sight’ to a young man, Nicolae Săileanu, who had been in the same prison as her and who had fallen in love with her without knowing what she looked like, just from hearing her story. [...] How did such a character manage to make herself loved in a world of hate, of class struggle? The secret is Aristina’s alone, and consists, beyond doubt, in her innate knowledge of how to remain normal in a world of abnormality.”
The Queer Archives (QAI) Institute is a non-profit, artist-run organisation dedicated to research, collection, digitalisation, presentation, exhibition, analysis, and artistic interpretation of queer archives, with special focus on Central and Eastern Europe. Founded in November 2015 by Karol Radziszewski, the QAI is a long-term project open to transnational collaboration with artists, activists, and academic researchers.
Located at the Józef Piłsudski Institute in London, the Prometheus Collection contains records related to the Promethean movement, the Polish-led alliance of nationalist movements of non-Russian nations and ethnic groups that inhabited the Soviet Union. The origins of the movement go back to Prometheism, Józef Piłsudski's project of weakening imperial and later Bolshevik Russia by supporting the struggle for independence of the peoples of the Baltic, Black and Caspian Sea regions. The Promethean movement encompassed mostly representatives of Ukrainians, Kuban Cossacks, Georgians, Azeris, and north Caucasus nations and relied on the support of the Polish military. After World War II, the movement continued in exile under the leadership of Polish émigrés, mostly Piłsudski's followers. The collection consists of twelve files and contains memoranda, correspondence, newsletters, and photographs of various Promethean activists.
Keston News Service Issue No. 93, London, 1980. Newswire.
The ninety-third issue of the Keston News Service (KNS) is one example of the kind of information disseminated by the Keston Institute. This particular document details incidents of a Pentecostal Ukrainian family being accosted by local Soviet authorities for applying for emigration and renouncing their Soviet citizenship. The youngest son appeared to have been physically assaulted by two unnamed men, but the family was denied legal recourse on the grounds of their repudiation of the Soviet Union. Although Keston’s reporting on religious life in the Soviet Union was not always explicitly critical, the publication of reports on the conditions of religious life to a Western audience undoubtedly contributed to the public’s perception of the Soviet Union as anti-religious and lacking in human rights. The dissemination of such information via KNS coincided with various human rights campaigns initiated by non-state actors in the West and the Soviet Union, such as the Helsinki Groups. Keston Institute was part of a larger constellation of individual and organizational actors who transnationally supported political and religious dissent in the Soviet Union.
Biblické ženy. Postavy Starej zmluvy, s.n., S.I., samizdat, 1970
The Biblical Women: Figures of the Old Testament publication was printed somewhere abroad and smuggled to Slovakia, which is revealed by its bibliograhic data: 475. pp., publisher: s.n. (sine nomine - without a name), place of issue: S.I. (unidentified place of issue), 1970.
Securitate. Chart and Statistical Data on Goma Movement N...
Securitate. Chart and Statistical Data on Goma Movement Network, 1 April 1977
This chart epitomises the typical and efficient method which the Romanian secret police, the Securitate, used against those who attempted to establish networks of dissent in Romania. It seems to have been drafted for the Securitate officers who prepared the operative decision-making process regarding an emerging human rights movement in Romania, inspired by Charter 77. The driving force behind this movement was the writer Paul Goma, who initiated the movement in February 1977 by drafting a collective letter of protest against the violation of human rights in Romanian, which he and more than 200 other individuals eventually endorsed and addressed to the CSCE (Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe) Follow-Up Meeting in Belgrade. It was the first time that the Romanian secret police, the Securitate, had faced such an enormous challenge, and thus it had to react quickly in order to curtail the spread of the movement. In order to counteract this movement, the secret police had to collect in two months complex information about all those involved.
This chart and its annexes epitomise the collection of these complex data in the short time span between 9 February, when the collective letter was first broadcast by Radio Free Europe, and 1 April 1977, the day when the secret police arrested Paul Goma. The first thing one notices about this chart is its resemblance to the drawings made by high school teachers to facilitate a better understanding of a topic. The chart actually highlights Goma’s connections with the internal and external supporters of this movement which at that time constituted a collective action of unprecedented magnitude in communist Romania and implicitly a novel challenge for the Securitate. The chart only contains a schematic representation of Paul Goma’s relations with other persons (schema legăturilor lui Paul Goma). The central field, which features Paul Goma, is connected left and right with two columns of differently coloured fields. The left-hand column seems to represent a typology of individuals whom Goma had contacted in order to send documents relating to the activity of the emerging movement across the border to a Western country. They are divided into four categories: diplomats, foreign journalists, “reactionary elements from the emigration” and “autochthonous elements.” The right-hand column seems to categorise all those who had contacted Goma with the purpose of endorsing the movement. At the time when this chart was drawn, the Securitate had been able to scrutinise only 288 persons out of 430; the number of those identified to date is added in pencil. About these persons, there are three types of information offered: the actions taken (against them), their method of contacting Goma, and their political background (antecedente politice). The complex data collected about all these, which is included in annexes to this chart, included age, ethnicity, profession, education, place of residence and political background, meaning information about previous anti-regime activities.
The chart is an unusual type of document in the archives of the Securitate. Its unique character is directly related to the novelty of the challenge which the Securitate had to confront with Paul Goma’s attempt to establish a Romanian Charter 77. The novelty was twofold: it consisted both in the network established and the ideas expressed by this movement. Such a rapid solidarisation of individuals around a common purpose did not occur in communist Romania either before or after the Goma movement. At the same time, the defence of human rights was a totally alien idea and ideal in the political traditions of Eastern Europe in general, and of Romania in particular, even considering the period before the communist takeover. Thus, this emerging movement which implied the defence of a political idea (and not a material benefit) must have been really puzzling for the Securitate officers, who did their best to grasp the situation and understand the “real” motivations of the individuals protesting for the observance of such an “abstract” issue as human rights. This coloured chart and its annexes testify to the methods used by the Securitate in order to disaggregate a collective action for a common interest, the observance of human rights, into a multitude of individual actions, driven by personal interests and thus easier to break apart. In Goma’s words, “this is the use of statistics in the house of terror” (Goma 2005, 412).
The Basic Declaration of Charter 77 of 1st January 1977 on the Causes of the Origin, Purpose and Targets of Charter 77, which on the Holiday of the Three Kings on January 6th, 1977, the playwright Václav Havel, the actor Pavel Landovský and the writer Ludvík Vaculík were issued to the Office of the Federal Assembly, Czechoslovakia and the Czechoslovak Press Office. On the way to Prague's Dejvice, their chase was ended, and the StB members caught up with them and they were then, detained by state security. The three were released later in the evening, apparently in response to the news which travelled abroad. The published Declaration of Charter 77 had given rise to a number of restrictive measures by the Czechoslovak regime. Its signatories were subjected to a constant persecution of the regime through police surveillance, house searches, job cuts, seizure of passports, detention, physical violence, imprisonment or expulsion from the country.
Ionică, Lucian. Revolution of 1989 - Living statue, Timiș...
The Alenka Puhar Collection on the Human Rights Movement in Slovenia/Yugoslavia was mostly created in the 1980s and testifies to the struggle of Slovenian and Yugoslav activists to promote and protect human rights in Yugoslavia. Alenka Puhar was one of the key people in the 1983 campaign to abolish the death penalty in Yugoslavia, and in the organization of mass protests in Ljubljana in 1988 and in the Slovenian spring in the late 1980s. The collection documents the struggle and connections between Slovenian activists and other Yugoslav activists and dissidents who had the common goal of promoting and protecting human rights in Yugoslavia and ultimately the collapse of the communist regime.
The collection of the Szabédi Memorial House encompasses the literary heritage of various Hungarian Transylvanian writers and intellectuals after 1918. The end of World War I and the subsequent treaty of Trianon in 1920 put an end to the free development of the Transylvanian literary tradition, until then part of the wider national Hungarian literature. Under Romanian rule, the previously mainstream literary activities became suppressed, and the preservation of the literary heritages was considered a subversive activity.
Throughout his life, Károly Hetényi Varga has searched for and collected the biographical information of clericals who suffered from persecution by the Nazis and communists. Thanks to his interest and devoted efforts, an impressive body of work has formed. Hetényi Varga didn’t study history at a university, however. He created a unique, specific research system, the results of which remain indispensable to us.
Komisija za ispitivanje nacionalističkih pojava u Matici ...
Komisija za ispitivanje nacionalističkih pojava u Matici iseljenika Hrvatske (1964. – 1967.)
This thematic collection documents the work of the Commission for the Examination of Nationalist Phenomena in the Emigrant Foundation of Croatia (EFC) of Executive Council of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia (EC CC LCC), in the period from 1964 to 1967. The commission was established solely to monitor the activities of the EFC's president, Većeslav Holjevac, and some of his associates, who were considered as opposition figures and nationalists. The collection contains documents that explicitly cite examples of oppositional activities in the EFC which testify to the role of the EFC leadership in opposition in the field of culture pertaining to Croatian emigrant communities, as well as the role of CC LCC in their condemnation.
The Miroslav Brandt Papers are deposited at the Collection of Old books and Manuscripts at the National and University Library in Zagreb. It reveals cultural-oppositional activities of Croatian historian Miroslav Brandt, who became one of the consistent critics of Yugoslav regime and its ideology after ending his membership in the League of Communists of Croatia and participating in the Croatian Spring (1967-1971).
Report of the working group of the Conference of the LCC-Municipality of Zadar, 1972
In early 1972, the Municipal Conference of League of the Communists of Croatia (LCC) in Zadar appointed a separate working group with the task of interrogating and assessing the political responsibility of 16 party members accused for escalating the “mass movement” in the city of Zadar. As most of the reformist communist leaders at the republic (Miko Tripalo and Savka Dapčević Kučar) and local level (those who were supporters of Tripalo and Dapčević-Kučar), Ivan Aralica resigned from his post as deputy chairman of the Municipal Conference of LCC - municipality of Zadar in the course of December 1971. Although not a single incriminating word was found in his texts and statements, the working group of the Municipal Conference conducted an inquiry and found evidence against him:
A) as a deputy chairman of the Conference of LCC of the municipality of Zadar, Aralica did nothing to prevent nationalist-chauvinist discussions at conferences, he participated in discussions in which he positively emphasized the activities of Matica hrvatska (MH), he did not condemn individual nationalist outbursts, he submitted papers in which he supported the endeavours of the [Croatian] national movement;
B) at the event “Croatia Yesterday and Tomorrow,” he persuaded the organisers to invite the writer Petar Šegedin regardless of his political qualifications; did not see anything negative in the “politicization of the masses,” although it was clear that this was the heart of the ideology of the mass movement;
C) as president of the MH branch in Zadar, he actively participated in its work and in the creation of its policies, and in the establishment of the special committee of MH in Nin and other villages. Although he knew that MH was turning into a political organisation, he positively assessed its work, although he should not have done so as a political leader;
D) he actively participated in the organisation of the event “Croatia Yesterday and Today” together with representatives of the League of Socialist Youth. The political consequences of this event are very well known;
E) he supported the student newspaper Zoranić and those standpoints in line with the mass movement;
F) he was engaged in overcoming the resistance of the editorial board of the weekly Narodni tjednik (People’s Weekly) in order to subordinate them to the attitudes and needs of the political forces in power;
G) he was an active member of the committee to rename streets and squares, which also had political consequences (Aralica 2014, 128-129).
Although the party cell of the organisation where he worked (the Pedagogy Gymnasium in Zadar) did not find any culpability in his actions, the working group concluded that “his contribution to the escalation of the ‘mass movement’ was immense” (Aralica 2014, 129). Because of this, Aralica was suspended from the League of the Communists of Croatia in May 1972.
Márton Áron. 2015. Körlevelek – 2. Összeállította és jegyzetekkel ellátta Dr. Marton József. Csíkszereda: Pro-Print Könyvkiadó
As a continuation of the eleventh volume covering the time interval between 1938–1947, the twelfth volume of the Áron Márton’s Legacy series, based on the materials stored in the Archiepiscopal and Capitular Archives within the Archdiocesan Archives in Alba Iulia, respectively, in the Áron Márton Museum, contains the bishop’s circulars written during the communist era, between 1948–1980.
Despite the guarantee of “freedom of conscience and of religion” laid down in the text of the new Constitution published in 1948, laws and decrees restricting the rights of churches were passed one after the other. In attacking the Catholic Church the Party first eliminated the formal obstacle: on 19 July 1948 the Presidential Council of the Romanian People’s Republic unilaterally cancelled the concordat concluded with the Holy See in 1927. Then they proclaimed the so-called “School Law” no. 175 of 3 August 1948 and the associated Decree no. 176, which was followed by the so-called “Law of Religious Denominations” of 4 August. The latter law, beside imposing a strict control over religious denominations, prohibited, by its Article 41, the enforcement of papal jurisdiction in the Romanian People’s Republic, thus rendering the existence of the Catholic church impossible. As opposed to the other thirteen denominations operating on the basis of rules of organisation and operation, this article of the law was immediately responsible for the “tolerated” status of the Catholic church until 1990. Already from the very beginning the communist system closely monitored persons and institutions that held different views, and these included, apart from the Catholic clergy considered as an enemy of popular democracy, also the Catholic church, which lacked a Statute.
In these hard times, amidst the attacks and warnings, Áron Márton could resort only to his circulars in order to encourage and spiritually strengthen his priests and congregation, as he had no alternative than to deal with the existing laws. In 1948 – according to the twelfth volume – he issued twenty circulars, the contents of which shed light on the violent nature of the dictatorship and its anti-religious manifestations. After the nationalisation of church schools, the operation of the Seminary was also of pressing concern to the bishop, as due to the elimination of financial support, the maintenance of the institution became the task of the diocese. He successfully asked for help from congregation members: “Please be of help in our poverty even amidst your own poverty.” Religious teaching is, after the preaching of the Gospel, the most important field of pastoral service. The new system primarily targeted young people with its materialistic teachings and it was not accidental that by means of the law of public education it banned religious education from the institutional curriculum, finding ways and means to interfere also in extracurricular education. Áron Márton recognised and put on paper the road to escape: “After the elimination of religious education from the school curriculum, Catholic families are facing a new task,” and called upon parents asking them to undertake the religious education of their children in a conscientious and responsible manner. He also used circulars to indicate the proper Christian conduct for the difficult times that awaited his priests and congregation members, preparing them for the challenges and all the while cautioning them against opportunism. At the same time in his circular from 6 October 1948 he adopted an adequately strict tonality: “I hereby inform all Catholic congregation members, that any Catholic priest or believer, irrespective of Catholic ritual, who participates in any assembly held with the purpose to promote his/her break-away from the Catholic church, shall be immediately ostracised from the Church without the need for any further measures.” The same circular stipulated the support to be offered to the Greek Catholics, too: “I hereby call upon and ask my R[espected]. Priests, to display courteous love in offering the greatest possible religious support and help to our Greek Catholic brothers, and whenever necessary, to readily put our churches, chalices, and ecclesiastical equipment at their disposal so that they can officiate masses according to the Eastern rite. Let us pray for them!” On 20 October 1948, the bishop repeated the issue of support, clarifying things: “My R[espected]. Priests may only grant permission to Greek Catholic priests to officiate masses in our churches, if the Greek Catholic priests in question are prevented by external circumstances from officiating masses in their own churches and if they have indisputable, positive knowledge of the fact that they had not signed the declaration of schism, or that they have received final absolution from ostracism, and in case of suspicion in this respect, we must await the up-to-date certificate issued by the competent Ordinarius regarding the fact that the persons in question are not under ecclesiastical punishment.”
During the six years following Áron Márton’s arrest his circulars ceased too. On 25 March 1955, a day after his return from prison to Alba Iulia, the bishop issued a new circular. In order to eliminate the atmosphere of distrust generated by the lack of priests and by the authorities he asked for two things from his priests: discipline and work. He received authorisation from the state authorities to turn to the pope first in a telegram, then in a letter. However, the maintenance of contact with Rome was rather difficult as in 1955 official records were delivered only haltingly. The bishop who animated even dormant souls continued to be not particularly welcome, and by virtue of the government decree of 5 June 1957 they restricted his free movement and office administrative work, confining the bishop to his room for eleven years by force. They supplemented this “punishment” by imposing a restriction on the subject-matter of his circulars, too. The bishop was only allowed to communicate measures regarding official matters to his priests: retirement, tax and financial rules, provisions concerning the preservation and restoration of monuments, dispositions regarding the liturgy and spiritual exercises for the clergy, priest training, chorister training, issues pertaining to religious education, etc. However, beyond this, the preparations for the second Vatican Council (1962–1965), his works and the implementation of his objectives, and the announcements of the holy years (1965–1975) encouraged him to write circulars. These circulars expressly contain ecclesiastical notifications and calls for prayer.
The volume also contains several draft circulars and documents written upon “request,” which can be explained by political historical factors. One of the manifestations of the political elite in Bucharest in its rapprochement efforts towards the West was that already from the early 1960s it sought the favours of churches, as with their mediation they could approach the more important countries and thus they could obtain the abolition of certain economic restrictions. It may be no accident that Áron Márton’s house arrest was also suspended precisely in November 1967. In February 1968 Ceaușescu summoned the Romanian religious leaders and in August 1968, at the time of the invasion of Czechoslovakia, he initiated the issue of a common circular which Áron Márton also complied with. At the same time, grabbing the opportunity, the bishop also submitted a separate declaration to the government, in which he expressed his views regarding the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. In 1973, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the proclamation of the Romanian Socialist Republic, and in 1974, on the thirtieth anniversary of the liberation from German occupation, which was then the Romanian national day, the communist authorities also asked for festive manifestations from the bishop. However, these remained only drafts, as their contents (the bishop raised his voice in the interest of his people living with a minority status) prevented them from obtaining authorisation for distribution. In 1974, following a serious surgical intervention, Áron Márton decided to adopt a more restrained work schedule and assigned part of his duties to his suffragan. From then on the number of his circulars decreased; he issued only a few of them in a year. His last circular, in which he said goodbye to his diocese, was drawn-up in 1980 by the suffragan Antal Jakab, theology professor József Huber, and office director Lajos Erőss on the basis of the bishop’s earlier circulars. However, it was still signed by Áron Márton himself.
Reports Regarding the Cases of Šešelj and the Belgrade Si...
Two letters from Mykhailyna Kotsiubynka to Zina Genyk-Berezovska, 1971.
The year 1971 was a difficult one for the Ukrainian sixtiers movement. in November 1970, Alla Horska-the artist known as the "soul of the sixtiers movement-was found dead, killed by blunt force trauma to the head in her father in law's apartment. She had gone there to retrieve a sewing machine and never returned. In a series of letters Mykhailyna Kotsiubynska wrote in 1971 to her friend in Prague-Zina Genyk-Berezovska-we learn more about the circumstances surrounding Horska's death, in particular its impact on her close friends and colleagues, most of whom had been under surveillance for a number of years and/or had been arrested and imprisoned. In a letter from January 13, 1971, Kotsiubynska writes that Horska's death was "so wild, so frightening, so unexpected" that it left their community shaken. She goes on to say that Alla's husband Viktor Zaretsky suspected that something had gone wrong but could not bring himself to enter his father's house alone. He asked Nadia Svitlychna to go to Vasylkiv and find out what happened. Svitlychna did go, together with Yevhen Sverstiuk. Horska was discovered dead in her father-in-law's house, while the latter was found on train tracks near Fastiv, decapitated and also dead. After a quick forensic analysis, the authorities determined that these gruesome deaths were the result of a domestic dispute and closed the case. Kotiubynska processes the revelation that Horska had been killed by her father-in-law. Although many people did not believe this version of events, Kotsiubynska writes, with some sadness, that there were no concrete facts pointing to another assailant, adding that even those closest to Alla--Zaretsky and Svitlychna--did not seem to doubt the official version of events. Lamenting her own expulsion from the Institute of Literature, she adds: "By the way, the Ukrainian Artists Union reinstated Alla after her death. Perhaps, I too should die?"In a letter dated June 28, 1971, Kotsiubynska writes again about Horska, this time indicating that there was a new version of what happened. The consensus had shifted, a reevaluation of the evidence suggesting that both Horska and her father-in-law had been killed by an unknown assailant who had not been identified. Alla Horska's murder remains unsolved and unresolved to this day.
Hans Otto Roth - Fondul de la Arhiva Bisericii Negre Braşov
Goma, Paul. Scrisoare către Nicolae Ceaușescu, februarie 1977
The Goma Movement was a genuine moment of strong mobilisation against the communist regime, but it is canonised in the Romanian national narrative as a one-man collective protest. The overlapping is inevitable, since few of the other proponents were public personalities, while Paul Goma was indeed the driving force behind the short-lived movement. For instance, Goma’s open letters, such as the one he sent personally to the Czech writer Pavel Kohout, a signatory of Charter 77, to express his solidarity or the one he addressed to the secretary general of the Romanian Communist Party, Nicolae Ceaușescu, to ask him to join the movement for human rights in Czechoslovakia, are usually considered the main documents of the Romanian Charter, although they were not collectively endorsed. However, their content is certainly spectacular due to Goma’s talent as a writer, and thus more interesting to quote. Particularly interesting is the open letter to Ceauşescu in which the author makes a comparison between the defiant attitude of the secretary general of the Party in 1968, when he seemed to support the Prague Spring, to the silence of 1977 around Charter 77. In this letter, Goma invites Ceaușescu to follow his initiative of publicly expressing solidarity with the Czechs and Slovaks who have signed Charter 77. Through a much-quoted phrase, Goma drew the attention of his addressee to the simple fact that “in Romania, [only] two people are not afraid of the Securitate, your excellency and myself.” Thus, Ceaușescu, just like himself, was practically free to write to the Charter signatories, Goma’s argument continued. If he does this, all Romanians will be able to overcome their inherent fear of the Securitate and follow his and Goma’s example. As far as Ceaușescu is concerned, Goma underlines, the letter will illustrate “consistency with the declarations of 1968” and the secretary general’s genuine desire to “fight for socialism, democracy and humanity.” At the same time, “Romania will be able to participate in the [Helsinki Follow-Up] Conference in Belgrade with dignity.” The text of this letter is both amusing and mocking; it is illustrative of Goma’s literary talent and it is quoted by most analysts due to the unusual style for an official (though open) letter to Ceaușescu. The letter was preserved by Goma in copy and was confiscated by the secret police in 1977, in the moment of his arrest. It was returned to Paul Goma in 2005. Thus, the letter is now part of Paul Goma Private Collection in Paris, but copies can be found in the CNSAS Archives in Bucharest (ACNSAS, Informative Fonds, File I 2217/7) and the Vera and Donald Blinken Open Society Archives in Budapest (OSA/RFE Archives, Romanian Fond, 300/60/5/Box 6, File Dissidents: Paul Goma).
Karl Laantee isikuarhiiv Tartu Ülikooli Raamatukogus
The collection contains documents about Estonian emigré communities in the West, primarily on political and religious subjects. Additionally, it includes material in the Estonian language about the Voice of America radio station. Furthermore, the collection boasts extensive material about the dissident movement in Estonia in the 1980s.
Mihajlov, Mihajlo. Zadnji broj dvomjesečnoga biltena CADD...
Mihajlov, Mihajlo. Zadnji broj dvomjesečnoga biltena CADDY, 2. ožujka 1994.
The last issue of the CADDY bulletin contained a recapitulation of the work of both the CADDY and the bulletin itself. Although the last issue appeared in November 1992, sometime later, at the beginning of March 1994, it was announced that the work of the CADDY had ended, which included the publication of the bulletin. This all happened against the backdrop of the definitive disintegration of the Yugoslav state and the war in its former territory. Such a turn of events signalled a defeat for the ideals championed by Mihajlo Mihajlov and Rusko Matulić as the main leaders of the project, who believed in the possibility of maintaining Yugoslavia in a democratized form.
Most likely, this epilogue forced Mihajlov and Matulić to forsake their work around the CADDY and the bulletin. On the other hand, there was no single-party dictatorship in the republics of the former Yugoslavia, and the public was no longer strictly controlled as it was in the preceding period. During the 1990s, the first multiparty elections were held in all of the Yugoslav republics. However, in his final message to readers, Mihajlov pointed out the pioneering role of the CADDY in informing the Western public about the status of political freedoms and human rights in Yugoslavia, and in presenting the fate of each dissident. He also stressed that CADDY was quoted in over 20 books and 60 magazines and newspapers throughout the Western world. (Rusko Matulic Papers, box 4).
Cultele neoprotestante și drepturile omului în România [comunistă], 1977. Scrisoare deschisă
In February–March 1977, the Baptist ministers Iosif Țon, Pavel Nicolescu, Radu Dumitrescu, and Aurelian Popescu, the Pentecostal minister Constantin Caraman and the Christian Evangelical minister Silviu Cioată (a member of the Christian Evangelical Church of Romania – a Plymouth Brethren protestant religious denomination) drafted a letter of protest concerning the infringements of human rights in Romania focused on cases of infringement of religious freedom affecting those religious denominations to which its authors belonged. The letter was sent to several Western embassies and to Radio Free Europe. The latter broadcasted the open letter in April 1977. Due to the criticism of the communist regime expressed in the document, those signing it were arrested and interrogated by the Securitate.
Éva Cseke-Gyimesi - Colecția de la BCU Cluj-Napoca
Bratislavské listy [Bratislava Papers] was a Christian-political samizdat created from 1988 to 1989, with 4 published issues. The Collection of Bratislavské listy Editorial Office was created in 2002 by the newly established Nation’s Memory Institute, an institution governed by public law that is focused on research and the collecting of documents from socialist era. This collection contains not only published issues of Bratislavské listy, documents such as correspondence, manuscripts, and personal notes of authors dealing with topics discussed in Bratislavské listy, but also unique original appeals to the Czechoslovak President signed, among others, by Alexander Dubček, Martin M. Šimečka or Ján Langoš.
The Zina Genyk-Berezovska Collection at the T.H. Shevchenko Institute of Literature in Kyiv is crucial for understanding the transnational networks underpinning cultural opposition in Ukraine and the Ukrainian diaspora community in Prague. The latter was largely composed of anti-Bolshevik émigrés that had fled to Czechoslovakia in the 1920s, after their failed attempt to establish the Ukrainian National Republic amid the chaos of the First World War. Genyk-Berezovska was born and raised in this community, studied Slavic languages and literatures at Charles University in Prague, later teaching and translating Ukrainian literature into Czech. Through personal connections, Genyk-Berezovska was also deeply involved in the cultural renaissance in Soviet Ukraine known as the sixtiers movement.
In addition to the more than 800 letters Genyk-Berezovska received from her many correspondents in Ukraine, her archive contains her own works as a scholar of Ukrainian and Czech literature, translator, and prominent community figure, as well as those of her husband Kost’ Genyk-Berezovsky, a philologist who taught Ukrainian at Charles University in Prague. Their family archive served as a repository for materials about prominent members of the Ukrainian émigré community in Czechoslovakia, including the Ukrainian sculptor Mykhailo Brynsky, the Czech writer František Hlaváček, the Ukrainian chemist and statesman Ivan Horbachevskyi, and Petro Krytskyi, a former colonel in the Ukrainian National Republican army, among others. This unique collection highlights both the transnational and the intergenerational dimensions of Ukrainian cultural opposition to communism.
The Collection of Lénárd Ödön is a combination of items which would usually be representative of collections on religious resistance under the socialist dictatorship. It is at the same time the outcome of manifest resistance against the dictatorship and a private collection of documents based on Lénárd’s personal research. The trajectory of the collection offers insights into the ways in which archives which had been private were institutionalized after 1989.
Letter from Nicolae Lupan to Sanda Budiș, in Romanian, 13 October 1984
This letter from the Sanda Budiș Collection reflects the way the Romanian exile community acted to preserve, at least among those who emigrated from Romania, the memory of the territories occupied by the USSR, Bessarabia and Bukovina. An example in this respect is represented by the work carried out by Asociaţia Mondială prin Corespondenţă Pro Basarabia şi Bucovina (The World Association by Correspondence Pro Bessarabia and Bukovina). The Association was founded on 1 December 1950 in Paris by the Romanian diplomat Nicolae Dianu. The initial name was the Pro Bessarabia Association, modified on 27 November 1955 to the Pro Bessarabia and Bukovina Association, and from 1975 it became the World Association by Correspondence Pro Bessarabia and Bukovina. In 1955, the headquarters of the Association was moved to Brussels, where the leaflet Pro Basarabia and Bucovina together with a series of volumes about the two Romanian provinces were published by the Nistru Publishing House. Between 1975 and 1989, the Association was coordinated by Nicolae Lupan. Its purpose was, on the one hand, to preserve the memory of Bessarabia and Bukovina among emigrant Romanians. On the other hand, it was designed to attract the attention of politicians and international public opinion to the history of these former Romanian provinces. Many exiled personalities were actively involved in the activity of this Association, including Sanda Budiș, who joined it in 1984. On 13 October 1984, Nicolae Lupan, the president of the Association, sent her a letter, the typed original of which now is preserved in the Sanda Budiș Collection at IICCMER. In this letter, Nicolae Lupan congratulated and thanked her for her desire to join and contribute to the Association. On the same occasion, he sent her a membership card and some advice on how she should act as a member of the Association. She was informed that members’ activity was varied, consisting in: organising the commemoration of the anniversaries of the unions of Bessarabia and Bukovina with Romania (27 March and 28 November, respectively); publishing reports of these commemorations in the local press in their countries of residence; preparation of documented communications on the issue of these two territories annexed by the USSR and their submission for publication by the Association at the Nistru Publishing House in Brussels; supporting the publishing activity of the Association by means of money contributions and distributing its books among Romanians in their countries of residence; the collection of papers, articles, studies, maps, photographs, and newspaper cuttings relating to the Romanian identity of the provinces of Bessarabia and Bukovina with the purpose of centralising them at the Association's headquarters for publishing; explaining, in private and public discussion, the importance of Romanians' solidarity for the integrity of Romania, irrespective of political and religious beliefs; drafting suggestions and proposals on the functioning of the Association; and attracting new members by spreading membership forms.
The folk music collection of László Lajtha is currently held at the Hungarian Heritage House. The collection provides insight into the private practices of alternative culture during the socialist dictatorship. It holds many documents that represent pre-communist cultural heritage, as well as private opposition to communist ideology. It illustrates László Lajtha’s correspondence with the Communist Party, and contains many letters, manuscripts, and documents which reflect a critical perspective on the Hungarian communist era.
The Fištrović Collection of the Fran Galović Library and Reading Room in Koprivnica contains about 1,300 historical, political, economic and cultural books in English, many of which are the only copies in Croatia. The books were used by a group of Croatian intellectuals in Chicago in the 1990s to address the American public and advocate for a democratic and independent Croatia, which can be considered a final act of resistance to the Yugoslav socialist regime. The authors of some of the books are also intellectuals from the former Yugoslav republics, and their work, published in English, is evidence of their dissent against the Yugoslav system of government.
Gotovac, Vlado, ur. Hrvatski tjednik, 1971. Časopis
Gotovac, Vlado, ur. Hrvatski tjednik, 1971. Časopis
Hrvatski tjednik (in its sub-title it was defined as a newspaper for cultural and social issues) was a periodical published by Matica hrvatska (MH) in 1971 (from April 16 to December 3). It was launched at the peak of the Croatian Spring and soon became the primary media through which the MH and a circle of intellectuals gathered around it spread the ideas of this national reform movement. In advocating for Croatian cultural integration and equality within the Yugoslav federation, the paper openly criticised the socialist regime due to its economic-political, demographic and cultural failures. It was the most vocal media of the Croatian Spring that shared the destiny of the movement. After a precipitous ascent, the government extinguished it.
The first editor-in-chief was Igor Zidić (no. 1-13), who was succeeded by Vlado Gotovac (no. 14- 33), while the managing editor was Jozo Ivičević. The editors and authors of Hrvatski tjednik were prominent Croatian intellectuals (Stjepan Babić, Zvonimir Berković, Dubravko Horvatić, Tomislav Ladan, Srećko Lipovčan, Zvonimir Lisinski, Petar Selem, Tvrtko Šercar, Ivo Škrabalo, Hrvoje Šošić, Franjo Tuđman and others). The paper, which was published every Friday on 24 pages, had a circulation of 35,000, which increased over time. The last issue reached a number of 130,000 copies, which was an incredible number for that time.
The rapid spread of the newspaper provoked a reaction by the regime, which began to see it and its publisher as political opposition. Soon the regime declared them a focal point of counterrevolutionary politics and Croatian nationalism. The paper was censored in July (No. 16, July 30), and after issue number 33 of December 3, and the fall of Croatian political leadership at a meeting in Karađorđevo a day earlier, the regime shut down the paper and its publisher. The regime also launched various types of persecution against the most prominent members of Matica hrvatska and its newspaper, from harassment at work, dismissals, to court trials and prison sentences. In 1972, editor-in-Chief Vlado Gotovac was accused of conducting hostile activity against the state and was sentenced to four years of strict imprisonment with an additional three-year loss of civil rights. The editorial board had also prepared issue no. 34 , which was ready to print, but it was never released during communist rule. This unpublished issue with the editorial ("Maintaining Hope") written by Vlado Gotovac, was obtained by émigrés and came to the hands of Jakša Kušan, who published it in the newspaper Nova Hrvatska.
The Matica hrvatska Collection at the Croatian State Archives contains copies of Hrvatski tjednik, including the censored issue of July 30, 1971, and the one with the text of the Supreme Court's decision to censor the issue on the cover. The Supreme Court's decision was printed on the cover instead of the disputed article "A Dramatic Moment for Croatia." In this article, statements by Vladimir Bakarić and Jakov Blažević on the issue of counterrevolutionary activity and the rise of nationalism in Croatia were cited. These statements were followed by critical comments by an anonymous author who rejected
Krunoslav Draganović Collection on World War II and Post-...
Krunoslav Draganović Collection on World War II and Post-war Victims
The Krunoslav Draganović Collection on World War II and Post-war Victims is an archive collection whose original collector was the priest Krunoslav Draganović, who, relying primarily on the testimonies of survivors and other witnesses, planned to publish a book on the crimes of the Yugoslav communists.
István Darkó Legacy – Péter Egyed Private Collection
The István Darkó Legacy – Péter Egyed Private Collection, beside the documentary material of unconventional childhood activity and the sole appreciable Transylvanian Hungarian radio play of the Romanian communist regime, contains writings that – in form of fantastic stories, evading the censorship of the time – made possible the representation of an “Other“ world completely different from the Party ideology.
Vermes Géza dedikált kötete Fejtő Ferencnek (2000)
Ferenc Fejtő wrote several books about the history of Jews and Judaism. He contacted many religious historians, including Géza Vermes, who was born in Hungary and worked in Great Britain. In 2000, Vermes dedicated his autobiography, Gondviselésszerű Véletlenek (Providential Coincidences), to Fejtő in Oxford. This is one of the many dedicated books in the Ferenc Fejtő Library at Fehérvárcsurgó.
Darkó, István. 1981. A következő pillanatban: Fantasztiku...
Darkó, István. 1981. A következő pillanatban: Fantasztikus történetek (În clipa următoare: Povestiri fantastice). Carte
The philosopher Péter Egyed and the poet Géza Szőcs convinced István Darkó to write and to publish his writings in a separate volume. But Darkó's writings did not conform to a regular genre. In his book it is also disturbing that one or two pieces are similar to short stories or narrations but yet are not. In literary terms, this is such a text écriture that it is patterned with some established genres. In those days, text and text literature should have lived its time in Romania too, as in the whole of Europe, but this was an unfortunate environment in which, if one did not adapt to the literary standards, one’s writings were not published. Darkó did not adapt to the current literary standards, because this was not an aim for him as an actor. He wrote down what he wanted, in the way he felt and saw. His writings were often the written modification of a sounding material. In certain cases he may have heard what happened before he could note it down. The writing was born from the sound, and one genre gave him the possibility of another one, but Darkó remained an actor in each genre, as both his tape plays and his writings are performable. In his "city" live "distilled people", who behave amazingly, but with their thoughts, their obsessions they carry the burden of every person. Darkó "plagiarises" many times from his earlier writings: he copies from the programmes of Cat Radio, from the articles of his paper Bendzin, and sometimes from the writings of “Henrik Szénégető” or “Fruléz.” The characters of his fictive world organise their own lives, creating a fictive reality, with a certain deadly content, from which may be understood the true reality, which is thoroughly hidden because of the normality of cowardice. The singularity of his writings lies in the fact that they create a structural fiction with multiple content and layers, which has a kind of hermeneutical relation to the current reality. Darkó never forgets those who are writing the counter story, the cultural history of nastiness, against the forces creating the world order, those who set all kind of traps for the heedless part of humanity, who harass, threaten and chase them. The people of darkness and nastiness cannot be helped to power. Darkó's writings are all allusions to such a utopia, in which the atmosphere and the hopelessness of the depressed existences, the Nothing continuously speaks.
The Forrás (Source) series of the Kriterion Publishing House had an official committee, an editorial council. The usual procedure was to ask for a reference either from them or from other famous writers. Two references had to support a Forrás volume and according to custom the volume editor could ask for references from whoever he wanted. He obviously would not ask for references from anyone he knew would have an unfavorable opinion of the manuscript. Thus Egyed turned to the poet and writer László Csíki and Andor Bajor, because he knew that they understood the message of the author. The two references were obtained, the volume was published, and then came the official standpoint of the editorial council members according to which Egyed had gone beyond the rules and that he had exaggerated or rushed with this project. This was discussed at the consultation organised by Utunk (Our way), the Cluj-based literary, artistic and critical weekly of the Hungarians of Romania. The participants included Zsófia Balla and Géza Szőcs, representing the third Forrás generation, who said that the manuscript had to be published at all means, because it was important, it expressed something that came from their life experiences. They found themselves in Darkó's writing, rather than in other writings that had been published earlier in the Forrás series, boring, grayed, dusty, forgettable. Péter Egyed interprets the expression of cultural resistance, which appeared also in the Romanian press and constitutes a specific genre, in its content as being about an another culture. He claims this because as an editor at Kriterion Publishing House he knew exactly the censorship instructions. He knew very well the sort of cultural products that the Romanian Communist Party expected from authors. He knew the key terms and he corresponded on various matters with the ideological secretaries, who always wrote down what the poem, prose etc. on had to contain. If these were not contained in it, an another culture was obviously born, not one that accorded with the official system of expectations. But the official expectations could not work, because no one was willing to write like a Party official in the 1980s. Specifically, in a situation recalling Cat Radio, in which writing is about nothing other than the fact that everybody is chased and the chasers are also being chased round and round, this could not really be a content corresponding to any official ideological norm. According to Egyed the "opposition" says openly: "not this." Darkó's writing does not go directly against the system, but it says that there is an "Other", which expresses you and which has nothing to do with this system – which says that what you live in is not like that, and pays attention to the fact that you are being chased, that you are near to death. These are the feelings that come over from his text.
The volume was published in a print run of 5,000 copies, an astonishing number from today’s perspective, and created quite a considerable literary subculture. The interpretation of Darkó's writings appeared periodically later in the works of the literary critic Attila Mózes, the man of letters Levente Gyulai, the artistic writer Gábor Martos and the literary historian and poet Ágnes Kata Miklós.
The Charter 77 Foundation was founded in Stockholm in 1978 to support persecuted and imprisoned chartists and dissidents in Czechoslovakia, as well as to support opposition activities in the fight for human rights and civil liberties. The Charter 77 Foundation was led and organised by Frantisek Janouch.
The Oral History Collection of the Sighet Memorial contains several thousand testimonies of great relevance for what the Romanian communist regime meant in general and especially for the prison experience of thousands of former political detainees. The distinctiveness of this oral history collection is strictly connected to the recovery and systematic conservation of the memory of those who went through significant traumatic experiences during the communist regime, with the aim of saving from oblivion that part of history which was officially suppressed until 1989, but which emerged spontaneously to the surface immediately after the change of regime.
Kallós, Zoltán and Attila Szabó T. Book of Ballads: Livin...
Mihnea Berindei - Colecția de la Arhivele Naționale Iași (SJAN Iași)
The Mihnea Berindei Collection comprises a significant part of the founder’s personal archive. These materials were accumulated in exile during the period 1977–1989, when Berindei was actively involved in assisting Romanian dissidents persecuted by the Ceauşescu regime. He was also an important intermediary between the fledgling Romanian opposition movement and the Western press, public opinion, and political establishment, playing a crucial role in publicising and enhancing the visibility of the Romanian case in the West. The major part of Mihnea Berindei’s personal archive is currently stored at the Iași Branch of the Romanian National Archives (Serviciul Județean Iași al Arhivelor Naționale). These papers were donated to the archives in 2013 and 2016. They include a variety of materials relating to communist Romania, the policies of the Ceauşescu regime and various manifestations of Romanian dissent (including cases of specific dissidents). The collection features a rich selection of documents relating to the activity of Radio Free Europe (RFE) during the 1980s, when Berindei was closely associated with the station’s Romanian-language service. The collection also contains a series of materials dealing with Eastern European developments in the 1990s. This is one of the most important private archives concerning communist Romania created in exile. As such, it will be of utmost significance to interested researchers and the wider public.
Pohlednice prezidentu Československa od občanů západních ...
The collection includes the documents of the Danube Circle Association, which was a non-governmental organization in opposition to the government’s project to construct a River Barrage Dam near Nagymaros (Hungary) in the 1980s. The Danube Circle movement tried to prevent the construction of the dam with samizdats, public debates, and protests. The Circle was one of the new types of alternative movements, which expanded the base of the “traditional” intellectual opposition.
Calciu–Dumitreasa, Gheorghe. Letter to Radio Free Europe,...
Calciu–Dumitreasa, Gheorghe. Letter to Radio Free Europe, in Romanian, 14 October 1984. Manuscript
The many letters to be found in Monica Lovinescu and Virgil Ierunca’s collection are indisputable evidence of their commitment to using RFE’s broadcasts to protect Romanian dissidents from the abuses and acts of violence organised against them by the communist authorities. An illustrative example of this is the letter that Father Gheorghe Calciu-Dumitreasa sent to Monica Lovinescu and Virgil Ierunca in October 1984.
A former political prisoner, Calciu-Dumitreasa was imprisoned again in 1979 after delivering a series of seven sermons for young people the previous year. Through his sermons, Father Calciu-Dumitreasa hoped to strengthen the faith of young people whose Christian spiritual life was threatened by communist atheism and materialism (Petrescu 2013). The letter written by Father Calciu-Dumitreasa describes his situation and the situation of his family after his release from prison (August 1984) due to a huge campaign organised by the Romanian diaspora, and also makes known to the listeners of RFE’s Romanian desk his decision to emigrate.
At the beginning of his message, Calciu-Dumitreasa mentions that while imprisoned he refused any kind of collaboration with the regime. Furthermore, he continued to perform his duty as a priest despite the threats, terror, and beatings he was subjected to by the communist authorities. After his release, Calciu-Dumitreasa has been welcomed by his friends, acquaintances, and former students but to his very great disappointment the Romanian Orthodox Church has decided to strip him of the priesthood. Thus, in his letter he urges the Orthodox Church’s hierarchs to reconsider their position regarding his removal as he has proved to be a faithful defender of Christian values even in the most unfavourable circumstances. Moreover, the Securitate continues to watch each of his movements and its "unbated persistence in hate and malice" means that persecution against him and his family has continued.
In this context, Calciu-Dumitreasa mentions that despite his immense investment of love, faith, and suffering in "our country and Church," he has decided to emigrate due to the harassment his family continues to be subjected to by the Securitate. At the end of his letter, Calciu-Dumitreasa expresses his belief that those who have stood by him in difficult times in Romania will also surrender him with their love into his forced exile.
Lydia Sklevicky's Feminist Collection at the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research in Zagreb consists of a newspaper and periodicals collection, documentation and a library that testify to Sklevicky’s professional work and interests, primarily related to feminism and the issues of women's rights in Yugoslavia and the world. Sklevicky was one of the protagonists of the late 1970s and 1980s who put women's issues in focus and criticized the unenviable position of women in Yugoslavia, particularly by pointing out the discrepancy between their contribution in World War II and their prominent role in the post-war period on the one hand, and their re-marginalization since the mid-1950s on the other.
In the GDR, child care and education were firmly in the hands of the ruling SED party, but in 1950 the protestants were allowed to open a seminary on the Island of Hermannswerder, near Potsdam. First, it offered men, and from the 1950s women banned from attending regular secondary schools, the opportunity to obtain their secondary school leaving qualification (Abitur), enabling them to study theology or church music. In the GDR pupils were often prohibited from attending secondary schools for religious and/or political reasons. It was particularly common for the children of clergy members to attend the seminary.
In addition to a growth in the school size during the 1970s, the curriculum also changed. It then included more subjects that were not part of theological education, for example the possibility to focus on modern languages. From 1982, the school even adopted the curriculum of North Rhine–Westphalia (West Germany) as part of their leaving qualifications.
The State Security Service (Stasi) constantly had their eyes on the institute and commonly conducted searches for forbidden material. “Youth Sundays”, taking place yearly from 1949, were a huge thorn in the government’s side. During these events, young people discussed, away from the official socialist apparatus, how to lead a Christian life. Even an eventual ban could not stop the meetings as even without official announcements, meeting times were simply passed on by word-of-mouth.
Apart from “Youth Sundays”, the island was also home to church synods and later environmental gatherings and bicycle “star rides”. These are events in which the participants start at different locations, all meeting at the same spot in the centre thus forming a star. In Germany they have taken place since the 1970s to bring attention to different causes, such as the environment.
After reunification, anyone who graduated from the school was retroactively granted the right to study anything, not just theology and church music. Today it is a Protestant secondary school.
Memorialul Revoluției 16-22 decembrie 1989 din Timișoara
The collection of Milan Uhde documents the life of an important writer, later a signatory of the Charter 77, who at the time of normalisation could not officially publish, and after 1989 a parliamentary deputy and a minister of culture. The collection is composed of Milan Uhde's sequencing material, covering the period predominantly from the 1960s to the present.
Autorizația de construcție a Bisericii Reformate din Dâmb...
Autorizația de construcție a Bisericii Reformate din Dâmbul Rotund din anul 1977
The prelude to the issue of the church building permit of 1977 is at least as interesting as what happened after this. The beginnings of the church construction in Dâmbul Rotund can be related to 14 April 1946, when – on the occasion of the Palm Sunday outdoor church service –, the pastor of Cluj-Hidelve and his church members laid the foundation stone of the Remembrance Church "in front of a large gathering, on the ground of the reformed church of Hidelve, at number 62 Str. Partizan." In 1948 the school–house of prayer was nationalised, but the idea of a church construction was promoted again only in 1956, when, at a presbytery meeting, referring to the construction of the reformed church in the Iris district, Gyula Kis pronounced the request for a church construction for the believers in Dâmbul Rotund. He further explained that the "ground at no. 72 Str. Gorki is perfect for the construction of a church and prayer house" and his proposal for the purchase of the ground was accepted by the presbytery. After the purchase of the ground, they sold the ground on Str. Partizan and moved the foundation stone to the newly purchased ground. According to notes from 1957, the architect Károly Kós drew up plans for a new church, but for unknown reasons these were not used in the end (statement of András Dobri).
The congregation, dreaming of a church and manse, got from 1 April 1969 in the person of János Dobri a pastor, who not only wanted to keep their dream, but also wanted to achieve it. The new pastor considered his primary task to be the construction of the church, as the barrack-building then used for church services had room for only about 120 persons out of a congregation of almost 3,000. Opinions differ concerning the original author of the plans. Different sources name either the building designer dr. Pál Farkas, of Transylvanian origin, but living in Debrecen at that time, or the architect József Finta, born in Cluj and living in Budapest. The plan was adapted by the architect László Nagy in 1969 and Dobri started to organise the church construction works. The Gustav-Adolf-Werk set aside 50,000 deutschmarks for this purpose and the development of the construction work can be followed from 1971 also based on the Securitate agents' reports. In the summer of 1972 Dobri travelled to Bucharest, where he had an audience with János Fazekas, vice-president of the Council of Ministers, who even called in to the debate the head of the Department of Religious Affairs Dumitru Dogaru. But theoretical consent was not followed by action. The approval of the Department of Religious Affairs was subject to the modification of the plans and accompanying documents. Then another impediment arose: the zonal urban plan of the Dâmbul Rotund district had not been drawn-up yet, and consequently patience was required since a building permit could not be obtained before such a plan was issued. One of the officials of the Cluj People’s Council told László Nagy, who was dealing with the case, that even the leaders of the Reformed church did not consider the building of the church to be a priority (ACNSAS, 211500/5).
The seven-year battle with the responsible authorities in Cluj and Bucharest finally ended in success. On 29 March 1977, the Executive Committee of the Cluj County People’s Council issued building permit No. 61, in which they gave their consent to the construction of the "chapel," consisting of a hall of worship of 185 m2 and a gallery of 57 m2 with a total value of 962,500 Romanian lei (KKREL 1977/7, Building permit No. 61). On 24 September 1977, work was begun. It was not only carried out by the members of the congregation of Dâmbul Rotund. Pastors and members of other congregations and theology students helped them, and regardless of their religious and ethnic differences both Hungarians and Romanians, Catholic, Orthodox and Evangelical alike worked here. It was teamwork that meant something important for the people, and showed that even under the communist regime one could obtain little victories. The church constructed largely by voluntary work was finished in 1980 and consecrated on 27 April that year. It was constructed in a time, when the hope that it was possible seemed an illusion. It was named the Church of Hope, because it brought hope to many people in a dark era (statement of Anna Jankó; statement of András Dobri).
According to the original plan the new construction was both church and manse at the same time. The state first granted the building permit only for the construction of the church, which was carried out between 1977 and 1980. Following this they had to wait five more years to start work on the parish building near the church. The obtaining of the new permit was accompanied by difficulties similar to the those experienced with the initial church project. János Dobri began to take steps in May 1982 and they were finally able to start in 1985. With local effort and foreign help the parish building was constructed, including the pastoral residence, prayer room and pastoral office, together with childcare and medical rooms. But this activity was associated with the new pastor András Dobri, who served there from 1 January 1986. The actual completion of the construction is considered to be 18 September 1988, when the second part of the old plan had been carried out as well (Dobri 2014).
Steinhardt, Nicolae. Confession, in Romanian. Manuscript
Steinhardt, Nicolae. Confession, in Romanian. Manuscript
This twelve-page typewritten document, which the author endorsed with his signature, represents a condensed version of his memoirs. After his release from prison in 1964, Steinhardt wrote several versions of his memoirs, out of which some were confiscated by the secret police, while others reached Radio Free Europe and were broadcast in the late 1980s. Steinhardt very much valued this manuscript, which he considered his literary testament, so he dedicated considerable effort to its preservation with a view to future publication. One version of the memoirs, which the author entrusted to a friend before his death in 1989, was published immediately after the fall of communism and became a best-selling book. There is another published version of the memoirs, which was discovered more than two decades later, hidden in the monastery of Rohia, where Steinhardt became a monk in 1980. The short version, confiscated by the Securitate and preserved in this collection, focuses even more clearly than the published ones, which number hundreds of pages, on the same identity issue: the author’s conversion to the Orthodox faith, which happened while he was imprisoned. This central event in his life illustrates that Aleksander Wat’s widely-known prison experience was not unique in the Soviet bloc. Steinhardt’s conversion, however, was neither a result of his illumination in adverse conditions nor a part of his strategy of physically and mentally surviving the experience of imprisonment; it was his response to an identity question, which imprisonment did not trigger, but only precipitated. This short version of his memoirs makes this clear by chronologically reiterating his formative years, the intense socialisation with his Romanian friends and the bothersome questions related to his Jewishness, to show ultimately that he realised well before his imprisonment that he was closer to the Romanian intellectuals of his generation than to the Jewish community. As Steinhardt put it, his conversion was a “love story: a double falling in love with both the Christian Church and the Romanian nation.” Particularly interesting also is the author’s perspective on the tragedies of the twentieth century, which affected him directly, i.e., the adversities he had to endure as a Jew under a right-wing military dictatorship and as a Romanian intellectual under the communist regime. Unlike others who experienced such traumas, Steinhardt chose to come to terms with his troubled past not only by forgiving his perpetrators, but also by forgetting about retribution. As he put it in order to justify his option for monasticism, the prison experience had shown him “the world as it is,” and this made him willing to regard it “not with animosity, but from a distance.”
Letter from Václav Havel to Olga Havlová, 8 July 1979
Letter from Václav Havel to Olga Havlová, 8 July 1979
Before 1989, the Czech dramatist and dissident Václav Havel was imprisoned several times for his beliefs and activities, his longest prison term lasting from 1979 to 1983. This period is reflected in Havel’s letters to his wife, later published as “Dopisy Olze” (“Letters to Olga”). Already in prison Václav Havel began to design these letters as a future book and tried to develop within them a more general reflection on human identity and responsibility. Especially after the summer of 1980, Havel’s letters to his wife Olga gradually turned into philosophical essays. On the other hand, the letters from the first year of imprisonment, written from June 1979, contained, besides philosophical, literary and other reflections, also more practical passages, including concrete instructions to Olga concerning their household or Havel’s everyday needs. This is also the case of letter “number 4”, which was written by Václav Havel on 8 July 1979 while in custody in Prague – Ruzyně. In this letter, Václav Havel informed Olga about the letters he had so far received, he described how he had been spending his time in custody and wrote that despite his imprisonment he was “sure of his truth” and did not regret anything. This letter was in an abridged version (without passages about practical matters and specific instructions to Olga) published in “Letters of Olga” issued by the samizdat Expedition Edition in 1983. It has appeared in subsequent samizdat, exile, and after 1989, official editions of “Letters to Olga” as well.
In 1998, this letter, along with 160 other letters from 1979 to 1983 and 11 letters from 1989, was donated by Václav Havel to the Museum of Czech Literature.
Totok, William. Wieland durch die Lorgnette gelesen (Wiel...
File (dossier) concerning the case of Vasile Paraschiv (in Romanian and French). 1977-78.
Among the members of the Romanian exile community, Mihnea Berindei was one of the most active supporters of Romanian dissidents. In the course of his activities, and especially in his capacity as vice-president of the League for the Defence of Human Rights in Romania, he collected several detailed files concerning the major Romanian dissidents and opponents of the regime. These files were vital both for his strategies of collecting information and for the publicising of the dissidents’ persecution by the Romanian authorities in the Western media. One of the most prominent cases in which Berindei was heavily involved was that of the worker Vasile Paraschiv (1928–2011), who became a symbolic figure for the victims of repressive and punitive psychiatry in Romania. Berindei’s interest in Paraschiv’s case stemmed not only from his broader concern about issues relating to punitive psychiatry (illustrated by other detailed files on this subject preserved in his archive), but also from his genuine desire to help Paraschiv. Berindei and the recently exiled prominent Romanian psychiatrist Ion Vianu were instrumental in organising Paraschiv’s trip to France, during which the latter gave a number of interviews to Western media outlets and underwent an independent psychiatric assessment in order to prove his sanity. After Paraschiv’s return to Romania (despite the Securitate’s hopes that he would stay abroad), Berindei continued to monitor Paraschiv’s activities closely and pursued an active private correspondence with the dissident, which spanned the 1980s and went beyond 1989. The file preserved in Berindei’s archive contains several interesting pieces regarding Paraschiv’s dissent and his correspondence with Mihnea Berindei. The file comprises both the Romanian originals and the French translations of the most important documents. Besides a short biography of Paraschiv, it includes the declaration of Charles Durand, chairman of the Swiss Association Against Psychiatric Abuses for Political Purposes, condemning repressive psychiatric practices in the Soviet Bloc (focusing on Paraschiv) made at the International Psychiatric Congress in Honolulu (August 1977). The bulk of the file consists of several letters written by Paraschiv to prominent Romanian exiles and anti-regime activists (including Dumitru Țepeneag, Paul Goma, and the organisers of his French trip in 1978). The letters to Goma are the most substantial and interesting. Apparently, Paraschiv not only recounted in detail his experience of repression and expressed solidarity with Goma’s actions, but also annexed copies of official papers and letters he wrote to the authorities and the responses he received. The file also features several open letters written by Paraschiv to Ceaușescu and the party leadership throughout the 1970s, completing the image of his dissident activities up to 1977. Among other pieces in this file, the minutes of an interview given by Paraschiv to a commission of French specialists on 12 April 1978 concerning repressive psychiatric practices in Romania and several clippings from newspapers reflecting his case are of special interest. Finally, the file also includes a letter written by Paraschiv to Mihnea Berindei on 23 May 2007 about his upcoming trip to Paris. This file illustrates Mihnea Berindei’s crucial role in the support of Romanian dissent and, in particular, his lasting connection to Vasile Paraschiv.
Ecological Protests against Chlorine Pollution in Ruse
Ecological Protests against Chlorine Pollution in Ruse
The collection was established in the 1980s and 1990s. It includes autobiographical materials, personal memoirs and images connected with one of the first and most important civic and ecological mass protest movements of the 1980s in Bulgaria.
Latvijas Komunistiskās partijas Centrālās komitejas dokum...
Latvijas Komunistiskās partijas Centrālās komitejas dokumentu kolekcija
Control of the cultural life in Latvia was one of functions of the Latvian Communist Party (LCP) Central Committee (CC). The collection of documents furnishes rich information about the formulation and implementation of LCP CC cultural policy, about ‘deviations’ from the official path committed by the cultural opposition, and about attempts to use Latvian culture for the political ends of the Soviet regime in 1940-1991.
Bosanski pogledi (Bosnian Views Journal Collection)
Located at the Polish Library of the Polish Social and Cultural Association (POSK) in London, this collection contains approximately 600 posters, calendars and leaflets produced by the Solidarity movement in Poland, and its collaborators and sympathizers in Western Europe from 1980 to 1990. Of particular value are posters printed in France, United Kingdom, Belgium, Norway, Sweden that document the activities of Solidarity outposts in exile, demonstrate grass-root initiatives in support of the Solidarity union in Western Europe, and provide examples of visual, artistic, and satirical projections of anti-communist opposition in communist Poland and Eastern Europe.
Thuringian Archive for Contemporary History 'Matthias Dom...
Judicial process against the illegal group "Prizren League" in 1950
Keçmezi-Basha has also collected and edited court documents. One that is considered to be a highlight of this collection provides information on the judicial proceedings against the Prizren League group in 1950. The historical Prizren League was an Albanian political organization officially founded on 10 of June 1878 in the historic center of Prizren, Kosovo. One of the main demands of the League was the unification of all claimed Albanian territories within the Ottoman Empire into one vilayet. In the second half of the twentieth century, illegal organizations in regions of Kosovo (including Dukagjini/Metohija) used this same name to demonstrate an association with the historical Prizren League of 1878. The modern Prizren League was guided by famous national figures and intellectuals of the period including Ymer Berisha, Halim Spahiu, Selman Riza, Gjon Serreqi, among others. It should be noted that this illegal organization’s program mainly aimed at the unification of what it considered “Albanian lands” into one state. In the eyes of the Yugoslav regime, the illegal group threatened the social order of SFRY, which was the main reason for their persecution. According to documents of the District Court of Pristina, the Prizren League was established during the summer of 1949. The trial was held over 24–26 July 1950, at the same court. Dušan Stanić s head of the jury and Čedomir Ilić and Muharrem Agja as judges. This trial was based on the Public Prosecution's indictment number 79/50 from June 27, 1950, which was presented by Bora Stanojević. The judge declared the accused guilty and sentenced them according to Article 13 of Yugoslav criminal law. The accused were found guilty of "planning to violently challenge the social order of the SFRY, forcefully joining Albania and returning capitalist order in SFRY". The following activists were found guilty and sentenced: 1. Shaban Dërguti, a student of agronomy from Rahovec/Orahovac, born 1924. For involvement in illegal activities, sentenced to 20 years in prison. 2. Mustafa Nixha, a clerk from Prizren, born in Gjakova/Đakovica in 1918. He was married and a father of one. Sentenced to 20 years in prison. 3. Shaban Mazreku, a farmer from Suharekë/Suva Reka, born in 1919. He was married. He was held in pre-trial detention since 19 February 1950. Sentenced to 101 years in prison.4. Biter Dehalla, a craftsman from Prizren, born in 1929. Arrested on March 1, 1950. Sentenced to 17 years in prison.
Broņislava Martuževa (1924-2012) was a poet and participant in the underground resistance to the Soviet regime. The main part of the collection consists of her correspondence after her release from prison in 1956 until 2000, as well as poetry written while she was living underground in 1946-1951 and in a prison camp in Siberia, copies of the handwritten patriotic periodical Dzimtene (The Motherland) of which she participated in the production in 1950 and 1951, and some other items.
The collection contains samizdat editions of religious literature and hymnals distributed in the underground church in the period between 1950 and 1989. It consists of the private collections of several anonymous monks and nuns of the secretly organized Dominican Order and School Sisters of St. Francis in several places of Slovakia. The library contains a large number of literature written in exile. The Dominican Book Institute helps communities to type and catalogue books but it does not own these books, their owners are the friaries of the province of the Dominican Order.
Az archívum a legsikeresebb emberi és kisebbségi jogokkal foglalkozó amerikai magyar érdekvédelmi szervezetek egyikének magán dokumentumgyűjteménye. Az 1976-ban második generációs amerikai értelmiségiek és szakemberek által alapított, 1984-es átalakulásáig Emberi Jogokért Romániában Bizottságnak (CHRR) nevezett Magyar Emberi Jogok Alapítvány (HHRF) a Kelet- és Közép-Európában élő magyar kisebbségi közösségek érdekvédelmét látja el.
State security photos of Hungarian demonstrations (1989)
State security photos of Hungarian demonstrations (1989)
Numerous demonstrations were organized in 1989 in Budapest. Nine of the demonstrations are documented in the Historical Archives of the Hungarian State Security (Állambiztonsági Szolgálatok Történeti Levéltára – ÁBTL). As of January 1989, however, the freedom of assembly was guaranteed by law. The secret police observed and recorded the events by following their earlier reflexes, and they focused on identifying the participants and the banners. The photo collection of street demonstrations is the visual imprint of the actions which were organized by the different civil, artistic, and activist groups and a good source on the ambivalent behavior of the political police in the transitional period before the collapse of the communist system.
Bench from EuroMaidan Protests in Kyiv, 2014. Artifact.
Bench from EuroMaidan Protests in Kyiv, 2014. Artifact.
As government violence increased against pro-Europe activists involved in the Maidan protests of 2013-2014, demonstrators began building barricades for defense. The Ukrainian Museum-Archives has in its permanent collection a park bench from Kyiv, which was used as part of EuroMaidan barricade. Harlan Crow, an eccentric real estate developer from Texas, purchased the bench in 2015 through channels that remain unknown and brought the item back to Dallas. Crow has particular interest in pro-democracy movements worldwide and has a vast personal collection of toppled statues of authoritarian figures and other memorabilia from former communist countries. He is also a staunch Republican and supports campaigns like those of Senator Rob Portman, who is big supporter of the UMA. Portman suggested that Crow donate the bench to the Ukrainian Museum-Archives, an institution that collects and preserves artifacts that are important for Ukrainian history. Portman is co-chair of the Senate caucus on Ukraine and feels that it is important to support Ukraine’s sovereignty and democratic development. Therefore, he and members of his staff are frequent visitors to the UMA and have also traveled to Ukraine to observe firsthand what is happening there.
This piece in the UMA’s collection demonstrates that its mission also aims to engage the present historical moment, which involves grappling with Ukraine’s difficult past and complex relationship to communism. The Euromaidan caused a fissure in Ukraine, further polarizing conversations about history, memory and the crimes of communism. Moreover, this featured item also further underscores the importance of the Ukrainian community’s relationship to Ohio’s Congressional leadership, who through crucial interventions and ongoing engagement continue to support the UMA’s mission to preserve and disseminate Ukraine’s archival heritage.
[Šagi-Bunić, Tomislav]. Trinaest stoljeća kršćanstva u Hr...
National Commission of "Solidarity" Trade Union collects, develops, stores, and publishes archival materials of the Independent Self-governing Labour Union "Solidarity”, primarily from the 1976-1990 period. The Archives are located at the National Commission of "Solidarity" head office and serve the purpose of documenting the social phenomenon of democratic opposition in Poland, in particular in the 1980s. Apart from documents it holds audio and video recordings, photographs, and other items. The Archives continuously add and digitise new, both private and institutional, collections from various parts of Poland.
Přípravná verze Československo-německé smlouvy o dobrém s...
The collection commemorates the life and oeuvre of the deeply religious Catholic poet of peasant origin, Gáspár Nagy. His works were repeatedly subject to censorship from the 1970s on, and he became a significant figure of the opposition by the 1980s.
Vons.cz is a unique digital collection of archive materials related to the VONS association, which aimed to track and publish cases of political prisoners and other people persecuted for political reasons. All digitized archives are accessible on the web.
Lietuvos komunistų partijos centrinio komiteto kolekcija ...
Lietuvos komunistų partijos centrinio komiteto kolekcija (1944-1953 m.)
Kolekcija suteikia daug naudingos informacijos apie Lietuvos komunistų partijos Centro Komiteto politiką lietuvių inteligentijos ir nacionalinio kultūrinio paveldo atžvilgiu. Kolekcijoje saugomi dokumentai apima dramatiškiausią Sovietinės Lietuvos istorijos laikotarpį.
The collection documents the work of Croatian historian and political émigré Nikola Čolak (1914-1996). In 1966, he belonged to a group of academics and thinkers from Zadar, who officially sought to break the Communist Party's monopoly on truth by establishing the first journal not controlled by the Party. After the suppression of this initiative, Čolak was forced into exile in Italy. The so-called Movement of Independent Intellectuals represented the first attempt to create a formal cultural opposition circle not only in Croatia, but in Yugoslavia as a whole, which is recorded through this collection.
The Éva Cseke-Gyimesi Ad-hoc Collection kept by CNSAS contains, besides Securitate files, pieces of evidence regarding the critical approach to the regime inherent in the targeted person’s professional activity, and her struggle against the violation of human rights and for the institutionalisation of minority rights. The collection represents the model story of the Transylvanian Hungarian intellectual observed in the 1970s and 1980s, which exhausts both the meaning of secret police harassment and that of coping with this type of harassment.
The collection of the Radio Free Europe consists of 17 000 recordings of broadcasts on magnetic tapes and casettes, most of them covering the key historical events in Poland and within Polish diaspora. Polish Section of the Radio Free Europe broadcasted political, but also cultural, musical, religious and entertainment content, created by journalists and writers from Polish diaspora in Western Europe. The Radio was one of the main sources of independent news in socialist Poland.
The collection illustrates Zvonimir Kulundžić's intellectual work as a journalist, historian and literary critic who chose to pursue his activity independently outside of the institutions controlled by the socialist government. The Collection includes books, original manuscripts, the author's published articles, his correspondence and polemics, which reflect a critical standpoint toward Croatia’s institutional historiography and literature in the period from the 1950s to the late 1980s.
The Ukrainian Museum-Archives in Cleveland, OH contains a hidden world-class archival collection amassed over the last century. Founded in 1952 by Ukrainian WWII refugees, the materials document the lives and struggles of multiple generations against communism. The museum-archive took on the mission of preserving Ukrainian culture at a time when it was being destroyed in the Soviet Union, assembling a vast collection of books, periodicals, photographs, ephemera, diplomatic papers and other materials that document a century of struggle. This is a unique institution that spans international borders, but is simultaneously integrated into an urban American neighborhood. The collection is based in Cleveland’s historic Tremont neighborhood and attracts partners like the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the National Academy of Sciences in Ukraine, and other institutions interested in digitizing its hidden gems.
The Václav Havel Library collects, digitizes, and makes accessible written materials, photographs, sound recordings and other materials linked to Václav Havel. It also focuses on the people, events and phenomena linked to the legacy of Václav Havel.
Tiltakozás a polgári aktivisták sorozatos bebörtönzése el...
Tiltakozás a polgári aktivisták sorozatos bebörtönzése ellen, 1989.
A “Protest against the persistent imprisonment of civil activists,” for example against Vaslav Havel’s arrest, was held on 2 March by numerous alternative organizations and parties. Between 400 and 600 people protested on Vörösmarty Square. One of the photos, one can see a banner with the sentence “Silence is complicity.” This photo was probably taken by István Kurta.
The Bulletin of the Democracy International Committee to ...
The collection contains samizdats of religious literature, secretly released songbooks and tape recordings. Albums with gospel music were the property of private individuals who secretly made recordings, albums and published songs in the period of socialism for their own needs, to spread the Gospel among youth. The collection contains records from 1968, atheistic socialist Czechoslovakia, to the present period with their current versions after 1989.
Sala steagurilor fără stemă de la Revoluția din 1989
The FV 112/15 Group Collection is a blend of artistic materials representing the time, social movements, and lifestyle of young people in Slovenia in the 1980s. It documents a central part of Ljubljana’s subculture and the alternative youth movement through the work of an amateur theatre group called the FV 112/15 Theatre and through the activities of three alternative clubs. The group cultivated an ironic attitude toward socialism and deconstructed bourgeois stereotypes.